Taiwan Today

The recovery of the Chinese mainland will not be done through military means. This is completely a political question. As you can see now, the Chinese Communists have a variety of prob­lems within the party-politically, economically and particularly within the military.... There are plenty of historical precedents (on mainland China) in which the military could partition the country into spheres of influence. This possibility could be the beginning of the collapse of the Communist regime." 

—President Chiang Ching-kuo in Newsweek interview last Nov. 1

(The following article, "Chiang, Steward of Taipei's Dream," ran in and is reprinted with permission from The Washington Times.)

Who are the world's top 20 leaders, and why do they rate inclusion on such a list? Editors of "The Washington Times" have made their selections based on power and performance. The 18th in their series of profiles continues today with Foreign Editor Edward Neilan's look at Chiang Ching-kuo, President of the Republic of China.

In the eyes of the U.S. State Depart­ment and protocol officers from a majority of nations around the world, President Chiang Ching-kuo of the Republic of China is literally a modern-day "man­-without a country."

In the back rooms of the Democratic Party here in the United States, strategists already are thinking of ways to in­volve Chiang and his government as an issue-to the Democrats' advantage, of course-in the 1984 presidential election. With the U.S. economy improving, the Democrats have been looking for a compelling issue. President Reagan's alleged (by the Democrats) mishandling of rela­tions with China (Peking) and his favoritism toward the Republic of China (Taipei) provides a controversial theme, one that is an echo of the "China lobby" battle of the 1950s.

The official U.S. view, as shaped by the Shanghai Communique, the Taiwan Relations Act of April 1979, and the Shanghai Communique II of Aug. 17, 1982, is that Taiwan is a province of China that doesn't exist as an independ­ent nation and remains in some kind of vague holding pattern diplomatically.

The Republic of China is represented here, under these frustrating guidelines, by something called the Coordination Council for North American Affairs.

The United States mission in Taipei is required by the same rules to play the ultimate charade. Staffed by State Department personnel and guarded by U.S. Marines, the office is called the American Institute in Taiwan.

Communist China's inimitable way of asking for something, getting its way, and then upping the stakes, has put the Reagan administration on the defensive on the issue of arms sales to the Taipei government. The United States is following the letter of the agreements, but Peking is not satisfied. It is this dissatis­faction and its repercussions on U.S. rela­tions with Peking that the Democrats may try to capitalize on in 1984.

Chiang's nation and its economic powerhouse are shunned at the front door of diplomatic propriety, but a majority of nations still admire and wel­come the Nationalist Chinese at the side door of commerce.

There are two Chinese on The Wash­ington Times' list of 20 top world leaders. Communist China's Deng Xiao-ping made the list because he sits at the top of the hierarchy of the world's most popu­lous nation.

Chiang Ching-kuo deserves his ranking because of his leadership both in a difficult diplomatic situation and for a stunning economic performance. Nationalist China's 18 million population has outperformed the 1 billion population of Communist China by every measure­ment.

Chiang is keeping alive the one alter­ native Chinese have to the harshness of life in Communist China. Just about everyone has accepted the reality of Communist control in Deng Xiao-ping's China. But the admiration continues and heightens for Chiang's stewardship of the dream of a free and capitalistic China as seen in Taiwan.

The recent series of defections from mainland China and incidents like the hijacking of a (Communist) Chinese air­ liner to South Korea underscore the importance of keeping the dream and choice alive.

Chiang Ching-kuo's main identity problem, at home and abroad, has been that he has had to live in the shadow and reputation of his late father, General­issimo Chiang Kai-shek. To a certain extent, he has had trouble with the image of Mme. Chiang Kai-shek, his stepmother. When she left Nationalist China to reside in Long Island, N.Y., the problem was solved, and the younger Chiang was free to make his own mark on the politics of the ruling Kuomintang Party. He has done this astutely with a touch that marks him as a keen admin­istrator as well as a deft politician.

Managing the balance among Chinese tradition, the political heritage and clout of mainlanders in the Kuomintang, plus the aspirations of the majority indigenous Taiwanese population, has earned Chiang high marks. Even in Peking, he is grudgingly applauded for not giving up on the "one China" prem­ise. He has continually rejected the "in­dependent Taiwan" solution.

Chiang was born in Chekiang Prov­ince in 1910 and studied and worked in the Soviet Union for a number of years. This early association with Russia and the fact that Chiang's wife is Russian (she seldom appears in public) has led to speculation that the President might sometime strike a deal with Moscow to work his way out of the China tangle. This has been dismissed repeatedly by Chiang, and there appears little chance that the Soviet Union would be interested for fear of infuriating Peking.

During an interview in his Taipei office late last year, Chiang said that he still had a high regard for Reagan despite the diplomatic setbacks dealt to National­ist China by the United States.

"I have always had a high regard for President Reagan," Chiang said. "I believe he is a political leader of high ideals and principle."

Chiang said he felt that "mutuality is the key to relations between our two countries," adding that he knew Reagan has a "sincere friendship for the government and people of the Republic of China."

Chiang lauded Reagan for his "vision in appraising world developments."

Democrats are certain to seize on Reagan's close relationship with Chiang in shaping the (Red) China-Taiwan issue for the 1984 election. Michael Deaver, a top White House aide, was part of the Deaver-Hannaford public relations firm handling the Nationalist China account before Deaver came to Washington. The account presently is handled by partner Peter Hannaford, also a longtime Reagan associate.

Gary Jarmin, chairman of the American Council for Free Asia, believes there is a "great danger the Democrats may succeed in framing Taiwan as the 'problem' in Sino-American relations during the 1984 election debate. The logical consequence will be enormous pressure on the White House to make further compromises on Taiwan's security to neutralize this issue."

Jarmin and other conservatives fear that Reagan may be boxed into a corner where a compromise on arms sales to Taipei becomes the political solution. Reagan also might be pressured to make an election year visit to the People's Republic of China. Peking officials know well that such trips are politically tempting.

In Taipei, far from the Washington political fray, Chiang Ching-kuo continues to oversee the Nationalist Chinese economic miracle knowing he's not about to be invited to the White House or any other foreign capital. He is in good health for his age, with a manage­able diabetes condition. His work schedule in his red-carpeted presidential office is carefully planned to include face-to-face meetings with as many younger political aspirants as possible.

What about his government's chances of restoring Nationalist rule on the mainland?

"As I have said before, the Chinese Communist regime has encountered a multiplicity of crises, so a large-scale uprising can break out overnight. This will provide us with an opportunity to recover the mainland."