There are 16 counties and five special municipalities in Taiwan Province. Since Taiwan was retroceded to the ROC by the Japanese at the end of World War II, there have been 10 direct elections held on the island for city and county magistrates, and another 9 for the Taiwan Provincial Assembly. A brief examination of the sex, age, provincial and regional origins, party affiliation, and education of the candidates and ultimate winners provides useful background to understanding the broad range of changes now occurring in Taiwan's political arena. It is a scene ever more volatile—and more interesting.
Sex
Statistics show that for decades politics has been dominated by males, and that women have generally been kept on the sidelines. All the magistrates and mayors elected in the first nine elections since the 1950s were male, and the same is true of the nominations for those positions. There has been some rudimentary change recently, however, for in the latest election, held in 1985, two women were elected: Yu Chen Yueh-ying was elected Magistrate of Kaohsiung County, and Chang Poh-ya was elected Mayor of Chiayi City.
Article 134 of the ROC Constitution states that "Each election should stipulate certain seats for women..." Based on this constitutional provision, a new regulation was added to the organic regulations of the Taiwan Provincial Assembly stating that "Seats for woman should average at least one out of every four openings in the Provincial Assembly."
This action was taken to encourage women suffrage and raise the status of women. Nevertheless, women continue to have generally weak political bases when compared with their male counterparts. Moreover, numerous women leaders have indicated that the "guaranteed seats" are insufficient in number and that the role of women in government should not be limited to a few designated positions while the rest are held by men. In short, a fixed number of seats is now seen as unnecessary, and a limitation on the aspirations of women in politics, rather than an assistance to their full participation.
In the first election of the Provincial Assembly in 1959, out of 66 elected assemblymen, nine were women, representing 13.64 percent of the total representatives. In the latest election just 3 years ago, out of 77 total provincial assemblymen, only 12 or 15.58 percent were women. Although this does not indicate much progress over four decades, the percentages of women in political positions are still considerably higher than most Western countries.
Today, the situation is changing rapidly, with women competing successfully for both nominations and election to office. The new political environment indicates both an increase of female participation in politics and demographic changes in the counties and cities. "Equal rights for men and women," which used to be not much more than a slogan, is becoming a reality in local elections.
Age
Of the 10 elections of county magistrates and city mayors, those elected in the fourth (1960) had the highest average age: 51.7 years old; those elected in the ninth election (1981) had the lowest average: 44.7 years old. The average age of those elected in other elections ranged between 49 to 51.
The average age of incumbent magistrates and mayors today is 46 years old, and the average age of elected city and county administrators is dropping every election. This trend can be attributed to two factors: encouragement by the ruling party (the Kuomintang or KMT) by nominating young talent, and generally stronger ambition among younger people to enter the political arena. In addition, constituencies are now characterized by higher percentages of young people, and they want to see people from their age group acting on their behalf.
When the Taiwan Provincial Assembly was still a provincial senate, the average age of its elected representatives was 50. In 1951, after the senate was restructured as a temporary Provincial Assembly, and the average age of the assemblymen during the first four terms remained relatively unchanged, hovering between 49 to 51 years of age. This has remained essentially the same through today, for the current average is 50.16 years old.
Provincial and Regional Origins
There have been significant changes with reference to the native provincial origins of those elected to the Taiwan Provincial Assembly. In the first term, the percentage of assemblymen declaring mainland China provinces as their native homes was larger than that of all subsequent elections. In the latest two terms, there were only two assemblymen elected whose native districts were different from their constituencies within Taiwan Province.
Since the central government moved to Taiwan, it has pursued further educational development to prepare the ground for greater political maturity and the rule of democracy. Along with economic prosperity and more frequent local elections, citizens have increased their awareness of rights of political participation and knowledge of the election process itself. As a result, increasing numbers of native Taiwanese pursue political careers and take active part in election campaigns, and they generally have competitive advantages over people from outside the local constituency districts.
A parallel situation has evolved in the election results for county magistrates and city mayors. In the first election for these offices, administrators from outside the constituency won seven seats, or 33 percent, of the total 21 seats. This was the highest figure, for all following terms saw a decrease in this percentage. Among the seven outside administrators in the first term, three were from mainland provinces and four were from other counties or cities in Taiwan province. By the last two elections, all magistrates and mayors were elected by their native constituencies.
Party Affiliation
For all intents and purposes, the ruling KMT party has dominated all elections thus far. The other two non-ruling parties, the Young China Party and the China Democratic Socialist Party, have always been in a weak position when compared with the membership and organization of the Kuomintang. In addition, the present Election Law gives little advantage to non-ruling parties to succeed in political activities. As a result, up to the changed environment of the past year, the ruling party has not been seriously challenged by other parties, and it has held a clear majority seats in every election of local administrators or representatives, while the two minority parties gained very few seats in each election.
The eighth election for county magistrates and city mayors, and the sixth election for provincial assemblymen were held on November 19, 1977. The results of Provincial Assembly election showed that the KMT occupied 56 seats, or 72.72 percent, of the total 77 seats. In the results of the election for county magistrates and city mayors, the KMT garnered 16 seats, or 80 percent, of the total 20 seats. These two totals marked the lowest percentage of seats gained by the KMT since elections were held after Taiwan returned to the rule of the Nationalist government.
Education
From 1946 to 1951, 16 members, or 53.33 percent, of the total representatives in the provincial senate were college graduates. Thirteen members, or 43.33 percent, were graduates of high schools, and one member, 3.33 percent, had only an elementary school education. Of the county magistrates and city mayors in the period after 1972, most were university graduates.
Generally speaking, those people elected to office shortly after Taiwan was retroceded from Japan were leaders of citizen groups, and were the most prominent people of the time. Most were landlords or intellectuals, and among the latter, many were practicing physicians.
Since 1972, the educational level of representatives and government administrators has become steadily higher in each subsequent election. In the latest election, or the 10th election for county magistrates and city mayors, only one elected administrator is a high school graduate, seven are university graduates, and seven hold M.A. degrees. Among the provincial assemblymen of this term, 21 are high school graduates, 14 are graduates from technical schools, 36 are university graduates, and six have M.A. degrees.
Social Mobility
Research on local administrators has shown that Taiwan's system of self-government has provided political opportunities for talent and a channel for those willing to pursue political careers—in other words, there is rich opportunity for social mobility through the political process.
One recent study indicates that 44.2 percent of the assemblymen, county magistrates, and city mayors interviewed sense that they are serving in higher level positions than they could have expected during their childhood years. Moreover, most of the local leadership elite believe that they are moving upwards, and they are both satisfied and gratified with their achievements.
Because of this success, these individuals tend to support the status quo and the general stability of the governmental systems in contemporary society. Despite the grumbling and bickering that often take place during campaigns, the democratic system of selecting local leaders through elections has contributed tremendously to stabilizing society.
Those elected local leaders during the early years of Taiwan's retrocession were local celebrities, landlords, or those of exceptional economic well-being. But pervasive social change, and the experience gained in the past eight elections, have resulted in changes in the make-up of elected representatives and administrators. County magistrates and city mayors from middle-income families represented 50 percent of the total elected in 1972-86, compared to only 34.65 percent in the earlier period.
Those administrators elected from low-income families represented about 25 percent in 1972-86, compared to only 6.3 percent in the previous period. These figures indicate that self-government through elections over the years has provided more political opportunities for people with only middle- and low-income family backgrounds. Participation in local politics is no longer a privilege only for those who are financially well-off.
Of county magistrates and city mayors, those from well-to-do families accounted for 62.3 percent of the total elected in the early period of self-government. But from 1972-86, the percentage dropped to 35 percent, while elected administrators from middle-income families increased from 34.6 percent to 60 percent. Those elected from low-income family backgrounds also increased their gains in the elections from 3.1 percent in the early period to 5 percent after 1971.
Shortly after Taiwan was returned from Japanese rule, almost all the local elites and leaders had received Japanese education in Taiwan, and many had studied in Japan. This was a phenomenon common for a place under colonial rule, but Japan's colonial system limited the number of Chinese who could pursue higher education, and those allowed to continue their studies were restricted to subjects outside law, politics, and other social sciences. Students had to disregard any interest in these areas and take "approved" subjects, such as medical studies, education, and agriculture.
After Taiwan was retroceded from Japan and suffrage was open for local politicians, many who received colonial education turned to political careers by standing for election as local administrators. Many of these were physicians. This situation was best illustrated in the fifth election for county magistrates and city mayors in 1972: nine doctors, including one practitioner of Chinese medicine, were nominated by the ruling party, and five were elected.
Other statistics indicate that most of the county magistrates and city mayors were previously lower government officials. The next most numerous background is in the professions, such as medicine, then those who left the business field to enter politics. Although farmers made up the largest population in Taiwan, only three percent of those elected to office come from this group. Among provincial assemblymen, most came from the business community, followed by professional groups, and those from government circles represent the minority.
These facts indicate that Taiwan's government officials tend to draw upon intellectuals for leadership, unlike the orientation found across the Taiwan Straits. China scholar Professor Lucian Pye once said of Taiwan's local politics that "intellectuals were social elites in traditional Chinese society, but that businessmen were the engine of economic development to push the nation to modernize." Today, the two groups represent two new forces in local society, with the former constituting the major make-up of administrative agencies—the city and county governments—and the other representing the mainstream of the representative body—the provincial assembly.
The seventh election of county magistrates and city mayors and the fifth election for provincial assemblymen in 1972 marked a watershed in Taiwan's election history: for the first time, more of the people elected were products of the post-retrocession educational system than of the colonial period. This younger talent also has more knowledge and experience with democracy and the democratic process.
In terms of social development, the success of the government's economic policies has led Taiwan away from a traditional agricultural society and toward a modernized industrial society. As a result, the character of contemporary society has influenced constituent demands and expectations. This has brought about a different sort of candidate as well. Constituents are now much more difficult to satisfy, and elected officials have to pay more attention to needs as determined by the voters. The days of telling constituents what is best for them are over. As people take more active roles in the political scene, and as young candidates attempt to address the demands of constituents in their campaigns, the democratic process in Taiwan should become increasingly intense, forever altering the traditional relationships between officials and the people. —(Dr. Chen Yang-teh is a professor of Political Science at Tunghai University, Taichung.)