So extensive are they, in fact, considering the disparity in populations, that this may well be the most" America-conscious" nation in the world.
Not that this red-white-and-blue gaze preempts trade and cultural relations with others. Trade and other exchanges are intensive with our near neighbor, Japan, and that country supplies the largest group of foreign tourists; and the commerce with the Southeast Asian nations is also significant. Recently, also, there has been a booming rush in trade and cultural relationships with Europe. Latin American ties have long been especially close.
But the U.S. relationship goes beyond trade and cultural interchange to historical friendship and alliance. Indeed, we do not believe that the world now offers a more outstanding testimonial to enduring friendship between two nations (amid the cold arena of international relations) than the U.S. legislation known as the Taiwan Relations Act: a unique incarnation of friendship sprung from the American people themselves.
The Republic of China has, indeed, held itself free—in spite of the greatest population/size odds in any direct conflict with Communism—on the basis of defensive arms bought annually for cash from American suppliers, as pledged to us in the supportive planks of the TRA. On the foundation of the national security and serenity thus established, and the dedication and productivity of its citizens, this country has been able not only to rise economically in the world, but to nurture within its society, China's ancient and valued heritage.
Small wonder, then, that the Republic of China and its leaders dedicate so active a concern to preserving the intrinsic nature as well as the more material expressions of its American relationships.
It was, thus, no empty "media gesture" when President Chiang Ching-kuo publicly warned the National Security Council—the nation's highest decision-making executive body—that the growing ROC surplus in its trade accounts with the U.S. is against the interests of this nation, too. The President followed with an instruction that top-level attention be specially focused on this problem, whose dimensions are indicated in the runaway growth in ROC trade advantage from roughly US$1 billion in 1970, to almost US$11 billion last year.
The President, in effect, made it a national priority to bring down the ROC surplus in its U.S. trade and, also, to capitalize now on the achieved successes in this country's intensive campaigns against product counterfeiters.
The coming months will see additional, active effort to balance the ROC-U.S. trade, on top of the already implemented "buy-American" missions, reductions in tariffs, and dismemberments of obstructions to economic participation here by foreign service firms.
It is the intent of this country that Americans will find a unique respite here in that adversarial, "for-advantage-only" reception that Washington receives elsewhere in its burdened search for trade equitability.
From doing its full share to assure the defense of the Western Pacific—with U.S. weapons paid for in U.S. dollars—to doing its utmost to equalize trade, the ROC is insuring that it will forever be a two-way street in the special relationship with America. And, of course, that same concern for mutual benefit extends to the relationships with our other international friends.