Taiwan Today

This is, I think, the fourth time I have been asked to address the dinner meeting saluting American Independence Day. It's getting to be a habit - and of course I couldn't hope for a more rewarding one. I believe you have accorded me this honor because of my interest in the United States and my affection for that beautiful country. And I accept that honor with pleasure and pride.

Although I was not privileged, as you were, to attend an American university, I have visited the United States many times and feel as though - to borrow from the jargon of the innkeepers - that America is my home away from home. Next to honoring our own Double Tenth National Day, I most enjoy raising a glass or lighting a firecracker to celebrate the Fourth of July.

Nothing is swifter than the years. On the Fourth of July after next, the United States will be marking its bicentennial. That will surely be the grandest and most glorious Fourth of July since that day 198 years ago when 28 members of the Second Continental Congress met in the Independence Hall at Philadelphia and adopted the Declaration of Independence. Who can ever forget those moving words from the pen of Thomas Jefferson:

"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these Rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." To my mind no one has ever said it better.

Interestingly enough, twelve of the thirteen American colonies had actually dissolved their bonds with Great Britain two days earlier - or 198 years ago this second day of July 1974. The Congress then settled down to three days of debate over Jefferson's draft text of the Declaration. Benjamin Franklin, who was sitting next to the Declaration's author, noted that Jefferson was and I quote - "writhing a little under the acrimonious criticisms." The man who was to be the third president of the United States was sensitive about his writing and the members of the Congress were not gentle editors. About one-fourth of Jefferson's text was blue-penciled out of existence. Congress wanted King George's toes stepped on hard - but sought to avoid stirring up any domestic hornet's nests.

Of the 28 American patriots who voted for the Declaration, two were never to sign the parchment copy laid before the Congress on August 2 of 1776. Fifty members affixed their signatures on that day and six more signed later. Thus a new and different nation was created on this earth two centuries ago - the nation that Chinese so aptly call Mei Kuo, or the beautiful country.

Considering China's long history, we have not known the Americans for so long. The first trading ship with the Stars and Stripes at her bow cast anchor at Canton in 1784. Traders were followed by missionaries who brought not only Christianity but medicine and other sciences of the West. Then, as the United States descended into its dark night of the War Between the States, a remarkable American named Anson Burlingame arrived in Peking as minister to the Ch'ing court.

So far as I know, Minister Burlingame's two-way diplomacy remains unique in international history. His alma mater, the University of Michigan, and his law school, Harvard, have reason to be proud of his memory. Elected to Congress from Massachusetts in 1856, he quickly became known for his powerful oratory and his stern opposition to slavery. Lincoln nominated him as minister to Austro-Hungary. But that Empire wanted no part of an ardent supporter of the Hungarian nationalist Louis Kossuth. So President Lincoln sent Burlingame to China in 1861. He soon assumed a position of influence in the Peking diplomatic circle. The Ch'ing government was impressed with his sincerity as well as the friendly intentions of the United States. When Minister Burlingame suggested that the time had come for China to send a diplomatic mission to the West, the Mandarins conferred, looked over prospective ambassadors-at-large, and decided to ask the envoy from Washington to head the Chinese team. Burlingame practiced as he preached. He resigned from his own diplomatic service and became a special envoy for China.

Appropriately, his first destination was Washington. There he negotiated with Secretary of State William Seward an historic agreement later to be known as the Burlingame Treaty. Minister Burlingame won the right of unrestricted Chinese immigration into the United States as well as provisions for the equal treatment of Chinese and Americans in the two countries. His good work, so far in advance of its time, was later undone by the Congressional exclusion acts of the 1880s, but Burlingame's work is remembered by the Chinese to this day.

Moving on to London, this great but now forgotten American persuaded the Gladstone government to moderate its aggressive policy toward China. He was less successful in Western Europe and went on to St. Petersburg to see what he could do with the Russians. What might have resulted from his negotiations with the ministers of the Czar we shall never know, for he died prematurely at the age of 50, somewhat ignored by the Americans although admired and respected by the Chinese. The Chinese nation under the Ch'ing Dynasty might have been a novice in modern diplomacy. Yet we had the good sense to choose a good and able American to head our first mission to the West.

European nations were completing their colonization of Africa as the nineteenth century neared an end. The predatory powers of the time thus could turn their attention to China, where the Manchu failure to modernize seemed to have set the stage for dismemberment. Spheres of influence and special interests were developed by Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia and Japan.

The United States was concerned for China. First, the Americans were not imperialistic. Second, they believed in a strong China, not a weak one. Third, the missionaries wanted to continue their work and the businessmen to increase their volume of trade. In September of 1899, Secretary of State John Hay asked Britain, Germany and Russia to accept the principle of the "open door" in commerce with China. Similar notes were subsequently addressed to France, Italy and Japan. Secretary Hay's proposals included a continuation of the Chinese tariff, which was to be collected by Chinese officials regardless of foreign spheres of influence.

Only the British actually accepted the open door, which was favorable to their trading interests. The other powers professed agreement but avoided commitment on grounds of wanting to see what everyone else intended. Hay thereupon declared that the United States considered the open door policy to be in effect, since the powers had unanimously agreed to the principles involved. Although the other powers did not stop their exploitation of China, with the open door began the slow process of closing out such indignities as special privilege and extraterritoriality.

The year 1900 brought the Boxer Incident and another opportunity for the United States to show its respect for Chinese sovereignty and sensibilities. Regardless of the rights or wrongs of the Boxers, or of the Ch'ing government's handling of the violence, the aftermath of indemnity brought ignominy to China. Americans had reluctantly joined British, Russian, French, German, Japanese, Italian and Austrian detachments in a march from Tientsin to Peking. President McKinley and Secretary Hay were less than enthusiastic about American entanglement in such an expedition. They feared, however, that failure of the United States to participate would only increase the likelihood of China's dismemberment.

Secretary Hay made clear that the United States was seeking the preservation of China's national integrity and an open door for foreign trade. The British concurred, and Hay then won over Germany. An Anglo-German declaration warned other powers not to take advantage of the situation to grab Chinese territory or erect new trade barriers. France and Russia were compelled to acquiesce. In their ensuing Twelve Demands addressed to China, the powers had to yield to Hay's insistence that the Boxer indemnity not be paid in territory or special privileges.

The other powers decided that if they had to take cash, they would extort every cent China could afford to pay. The American representative at the Ministers' Conference in Peking urged reasonableness and compassion. An indemnity of 333 million U.S. dollars to be paid in 39 annual installments was finally demanded. Although this was nearly 75 per cent more than the amount proposed by the United States, it would have been even higher in the absence of the American efforts.

A little less than twenty-five million U.S. dollars of the indemnity was allocated to the United States. When estimates of American losses were found to have been much too high, President Theodore Roosevelt recommended that the payments of the United States be reduced by approximately one-half. Congress gave its approval in 1908, making the first remission of the indemnity, to build the Tsing Hua College. Sixteen years later, in 1924, again Congress approved the second remission of the unpaid indemnity balance, to found the China Foundation for the Promotion of Education and Culture.

China responded to American friendship and generosity in kind. The first remission of 1908, founding the Tsing Hua College, was also used to pay for the education of Chinese students in the United States, while the second remission in 1924 provided financing for educational and scientific programs in China. The Tsing Hua College was later to become National Tsing Hua University. Both the Tsing Hua Endowment Fund and the China Foundation Endowment Fund are now under the management of the Board of Trustees of the China Foundation for the Promotion of Education and Culture, a self-perpetuating body consisting of both Chinese and American members and with its own constitution.

Students initially were set to the United States after two years at Tsing Hua College. Financial support subsequently was given to the graduates of other schools, and scholarship examinations were held. Nearly 1,300 students were sent to the United States on Tsing Hua scholarships. Some 500 more who went to American colleges on their own were given supplementary support. Some of China's finest scholars of the 20th century were among Boxer scholarship recipients. As the Tsing Hua College was expanded to become the Tsing Hua University, it has been developed into one of the leading universities in China. I am proud to say that in the audience here tonight, its alumni constitute a very substantial number. This venture in international cooperation has recorded exceptional achievements. The restoration of National Tsing Hua University in Taiwan and the construction of the first Taiwan nuclear reactor for research in the peaceful uses of atomic energy were financed with income from Boxer indemnity investments. Funds of the China Foundation help support visiting professors and fellows, the activities of the Academia Sinica and National Science Council, and other educational and cultural programs too numerous to mention.

Never in history, I think, has an international servitude been put to such high-minded and constructive use. Both the United States and the Republic of China can be proud of the record. The seeds we have sown together are bearing rich fruit. The continuing friendship and cooperation between the two countries speaks eloquently of that.

I wish I had time to tell you more about the intervening years - of our alliance and common fight against aggression in World War II and of the generous American assistance that helped us build Taiwan into a prospering model province. However, most of that story is well known to you. So with your indulgence, I should like to come down to the present. What of the Sino-American partnership today and what of the prospect for tomorrow?

Tonight, I am happy to say that the Sino-American relationship is as close, as warm and as constructive as ever. Let us examine some of the evidence that leads me to this conclusion.

Treaties and agreements between our two countries, covering various fields of cultural, economic and political cooperation, including the mutual defense treaty, are in full force and effect. Inter flow of people - parliamentarians and public functionaries as well as industrialists and businessmen, scientists and scholars as well as artists and sportsmen, journalists and authors as well as missionaries and tourists - is on a steady increase. During the last three years six new Chinese consulates have been established in the United States - in Calexico, California, in Guam, in Atlanta, Georgia, in American Samoa, in Portland, Oregon, and in Kansas City, Missouri. And recently, the United States sent us one of its most distinguished diplomats as ambassador, in the person of Mr. Leonard Unger.

The United States has been our leading trading partner for many years. The two-way volume will be close to 3,500 million U.S. dollars this year. If the balance in our favor is down, that will be to our liking. The Chinese government has been encouraging purchases from the United States to balance what the Americans are buying from us. An American Trade Center was opened in Taipei last spring and is conducting an active program of promotion. U.S. private investment in our economy will go well over the 400 million U.S. dollar mark by the end of 1974, or about half of all the capital brought to Taiwan by foreigners. Some of the biggest names in American electronics and other industries are represented by Taiwan factories.

Americans are present here socially and culturally as well as politically and economically. This University Club is one attestation to that. We have four American schools in the Province of Taiwan. The Taipei American School is one of the biggest of its kind outside the United States. Last month's TAS senior high school graduating class numbered about 170 students. The top universities of the United States send their students to us for Chinese language study. So does the U.S. State Department.

It seems to me that the United States and the Republic of China have as much in common for the future as for the past. We both believe in a free way of life for our people. We both are dedicated to justice. Americans are not Confucianists but they have a Confucian trust in humanity, love and compassion. For similar reasons, many of our people are Christians. They have added a metaphysical aspect to their Confucianism. You will recall the observation of our gentle sage Confucius that what with men not understanding themselves very well, they scarcely could be expected to penetrate the mysteries of the Heavens. He implied no disrespect for religion. Indeed, the Confucian philosophy subscribed to by most conscientious Chinese and the Christian religion embraced by most Americans are compatible.

The open mindedness of the Confucian tao implies that the Chinese should be eclectic about knowledge and permissive about religion. I am proud that in the Republic of China - as in the United States - we study everything, including the ideology of those we oppose. We proscribe only Communism, and that for reasons which are well known to you. Dissent can be permitted so long as the dissenters will also allow it. The Communists do not. When their trap snaps shut, that is the end. The United States, which is not seriously endangered by domestic Communists, also puts obstacles in the way of Marxism, and with good reason.

Our world faces many problems. We have inflation and energy shortage, pollution and over-population, monetary uncertainties and political unrest, aggression and injustice. Through all these trials and tribulations there shines an experiment in nationalism and democracy which began 198 years ago and has never dimmed for even an instant. This is not, I think, a reflection of manifest destiny. The success of the United States should be attributed to American belief in the dignity of man and in man's unalienable rights of "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."

As I mentioned before, the American colonies actually voted to separate themselves from Great Britain and establish a new nation on July 2 one hundred and ninety-eight years ago today. On July 3, 1776, John Adams, who was to follow Washington as president of the United States, addressed this letter to his worthy wife Abigail:

"The second day of July, 1776," he wrote, "will be the most memorable epoch in the history of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations as the great anniversary festival. It ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp and parade, with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illuminations; from one end of this continent to the other, from this time forward for evermore." John Adams may have missed the date of July Fourth by two days but no one ever felt more deeply the spirit of American independence. We wish he were here with us tonight to celebrate - in a country halfway round the globe - the birth of a new and different nation. This is the nation which Madame Chiang Kai-shek, addressing the U.S. House of Representatives in the wartime year of 1943, was to describe as, and I quote, "not only the cauldron of democracy but the incubator of democratic principles."

My best wishes for a Grand and Glorious Fourth, and thank you.