Although President Nixon's trip to the Chinese mainland was announced in July of last year, the actuality still had shock effect in the Republic of China as it happened. It was hard to believe that an old friend and anti-Communist warrior had gone into the lair of the enemy. His motives of peace seeking were not questioned, although his chances of achieving such an end were considered to be zero. In keeping with the counsel of President Chiang Kai-shek, reaction was calm and dignified, yet tinged with a touch of anger that the boundaries of righteousness had been so easily ignored.
The initial official response to the communique of President Nixon and Chou En-lai was a statement in the name of the spokesman of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs which made these points:
—The Republic of China considers "null and void any agreement, published or secret, involving the rights and interests of the government and people of the Republic of China."
— The mainland regime is a "rebel group which has no right whatsoever to represent the Chinese people."
— Although the communique mentions the "Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence," this legacy from the Bandung Conference is really a "smoke screen put up by the Chinese Communists to facilitate their conduct of infiltration, subversion and armed aggression against other countries."
— Chinese Communists are the public enemy of all the people of China and "the source of troubles for Asia and the entire world."
— Efforts of the Republic of China to destroy the tyranny of the Chinese Communists "is a sacred responsibility of the government and people which will never waver or change under any circumstances."
— Solution of the China question depends upon the recovery of the mainland, the unification of China and the liberation of the mainland people by the government of the Republic of China, which is "sole legitimate government elected by all the people of China."
— Peiping's united front tactics lie behind the efforts of the Chinese Communists to enter into trade, scientific, technological, cultural, sports, journalistic and other contacts and exchanges with the United States.
— Invitation to President Nixon to visit the mainland was intended to drive a wedge between the democratic nations and isolate and hurt the United States. Contacts and exchanges will be used for purposes of subversion.
— Peace and relaxation of tensions is impossible while the Chinese Communists continue to seek the enslavement of free Asian countries. Asians must rely on their own determination and strength and not entertain illusions of peaceful coexistence with the Chinese Communists.
— All dangers and difficulties will be surmounted by the Republic of China, which will continue to strengthen itself "through calmness and dignity" and keep its destiny in its own hands.
Vice President and Premier C.K. Yen said the Republic of China remains unalterably opposed to any negotiations with the Chinese Communists and remains confident that the mainland will be recovered, the people liberated and the sovereignty of the legitimate government returned to the people.
Addressing the Legislative Yuan, the nation's chief administrative officer said an all-out diplomatic offensive would be spurred to smash Peiping's at tempts to isolate the Republic of China. Economic and cultural fronts will be manned by free Chinese representatives as well as those of politics. Stress will be placed on people-to-people undertakings. Vice President Yen said such efforts already were working well.
Foreign Minister Chow Shu-kai told the ruling Kuomintang (Nationalist Party) of plans for a realistic foreign policy. He said that while continuing to oppose Communism, the nation would enter into relationships with nonhostile countries which do not fellow-travel with Peiping. In the world of today, he stressed, contacts of many kinds may be just as valuable as exchanges of ambassadors.
Nine ambassadors who returned to Taiwan for National Assembly and Kuomintang meetings participated in a four-hour international affairs seminar at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Participating were James Shen, ambassador to the United States; Han Lih-wu, Greece; Gen. Peng Meng-chi, Japan; J. L. Huang, Panama; Gen. Hu Lien, South Vietnam; Milton Shieh, El Salvador; Seng Pang-hua, Dominican Republic; Konsin C. Shah, New Zealand; and Wang Chih-chen, Venezuela. Minister Chow presided.
They agreed on the necessity of calling the attention of friendly governments to the internal power struggle and international intrigues of the Chinese Communists. Each reported on the impact of the Nixon trip in his country and region of representation.
Ambassador Shen, who met with President Nixon before leaving Washington, said there was no reason to doubt U.S. pledges to continue friendly relations with the Republic of China and to maintain the American defense commitment to Taiwan. He said that the U.S. chief executive was "friendly and sincere" at their White House meeting.
There was no secret deal between Nixon and Chou En-lai, Ambassador Shen said. He recalled Nixon's lifetime record of anti-Communism and said that the American leader has often pointed to the differences between the United States and the Chinese Communists.
Ambassador Shen suggested that the Republic of China send representatives from various walks of life to the United States to meet with people who speak their occupational language. Friendship can be strengthened and mutual understanding reached, he said. Peiping has not begun any widespread propaganda program in the United States, but is no doubt planning one, Ambassador Shen told a press conference.
U.S. Secretary of State William Rogers gave Ambassador Shen an hour's briefing on the Peiping trip at the State Department on March 2. "I understand a little more now," the envoy said afterward. Secretary Rogers told him that the defense commitment to Taiwan was unaffected by Nixon's trip to Peiping.
In his foreign policy report to the Congress, Secretary Rogers said relations between the United States and the Republic of China continued to be close in 1971 "despite the disfavor with which the latter viewed our efforts to normalize relations" with Communist China. He took note of the mutual assistance treaty and said, "Several times during the past year, the President and the Secretary of State gave specific assurances to Taipei that the United States stands by this commitment and that our steps to improve relations with Peiping are not being taken at its expense."
Rogers said that "despite its exclusion from the United Nations, the Republic of China has an important role to play in the international community. The United States supports such a role." He took note of assistance which the Republic of China has extended to Africa, Latin America and Southeast Asia.
"We have advocated continued representation of the interests of Taiwan in U.N. related agencies and in other international organizations," Rogers said. He added that the U.N. reverse and a reduction of bilateral diplomatic ties had not affected the prosperity of Taiwan nor narrowed the Republic of China's commercial relations with the world.
Noting a 13 per cent rise in per capita income and industrial growth of 21 per cent last year, Rogers said: "Excellent trade and investment opportunities continue to exist on Taiwan. We do not foresee that the U.N. action will reduce them."
On the subject of military assistance, Rogers said the United States will help the ROC "upgrade its forces, and carry out the role envisaged for it within the framework of the mutual defense treaty." He said "The Republic of China has been assuming an increased share of the cost of its own defense establishment. It currently funds almost all of its defense requirements."
Speaking at Taichung in central Taiwan, Ambassador Walter McConaughy said that he and his fellow Americans on Taiwan are confident the United States will honor its defense commitments to Taiwan. He pointed to the self-reliance, the vigor and the dignity of the Republic of China and expressed confidence that the international community will respect free China in the future as it has in the past. The economy will continue to prosper as a result of forward-looking measures taken by the government, he said, and diplomacy will flourish on a people-to-people basis.
Marshall Green, the assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, came to Taipei as President Nixon's personal envoy on an East Asian and Pacific tour to explain the U.S. overtures to Peiping. He met with Vice President and Premier Yen Chia-kan, Vice Premier Chiang Ching-kuo, Foreign Minister Chow Shu-kai and other ranking officials but did not see President Chiang Kai-shek. In his departing statement, Green said:
"I have come here at the specific request of President Nixon to discuss his recent Peking visit with leading officials of the Republic of China. During my brief stay I have met with Vice President Yen, Vice Premier Chiang, Foreign Minister Chow and other ranking officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. I conveyed to them the warm greetings of President Nixon and Secretary Rogers.
"In these meetings I stressed, as has President Nixon on several occasions, that faithfully honoring all of our commitments remains a cornerstone of U.S. policy. This cornerstone is as solid as ever. At a February 27 press conference in Shanghai, Dr. Kissinger made clear that we will continue to maintain all our treaty commitments including our commitment to the Republic of China and that nothing had changed in this respect. President Nixon himself stated all February 28, upon his return to Washington, "We have agreed that we will not negotiate the fate of other nations behind their backs, and we did not do so in Peking. There were no secret deals of any kind." The president also reaffirmed that we had not given up any United States commitments. These include our defense and other ties with the Republic of China.
"I also took the opportunity to explain that the primary purpose of President Nixon's trip was to seek a reduction of tensions in the area and pave the way for an era of peace to the benefit of all peoples of Asia. We believe that a successful beginning has been made towards that highly important goal.
"I would like to take this opportunity to say that it continues to be the firm policy of the United States to encourage American companies to seek investment opportunities in Taiwan. The large and growing number of U.S. firms investing in Taiwan is indicative of our confidence in the Republic of China. The lending operations of American banks dealing here are continuing to expand and the U.S. Export/Import Bank is continuing to lend large sums to Chinese enterprises.
"I am pleased to see that our trade ties are also expanding impressively. As President Nixon said in his recent foreign policy report to the U.S. Congress, the Republic of China has become a model for economic development and we look forward to participating in the future success of Taiwan's economy."
A statement from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that Green's visit had resulted in "further understanding and clarification of assurances" from the United States.
Green's reference to the Kissinger press conference directed attention to these questions and the answers of President Nixon's adviser on national security:
"Q. In stating the United States will progressively reduce forces in military installations on Taiwan, was that decision a result of discussions in (Red) China?
"A. No. This is a general statement of our policy which we have enunciated on innumerable occasions in innumerable forums.
"Q. Is there any sign now conditions would lead to reduction of the American military force in Taiwan shortly?
"A. I don't want to speculate on what will be done over a period of time, but if you speak about shortly, I would not expect that.
"Q. Why did not the United States government affirm its treaty commitment to Taiwan?
"A. We stated our basic position with respect to this issue in the president's world report in which we say that this treaty will be maintained. Nothing has changed on that position.
"Q. Can we assume the president and "premier" discussed all differences face-to-face, specifically differences over Vietnam and the reduction of troops on Taiwan?
"A. All differences were discussed by the president and the "premier" face-to-face, candidly and seriously, including those which you mentioned.
"In the paragraph referring to reduction of forces and military installations on Taiwan as tension in the area diminishes, is this an exclusive reference to Indochina as the area?
"A. No. It is a reference to the general area. It is not a reference to any particular part of Asia.
"Q. What conditions in that area would keep American troops on Taiwan? What tensions in the area of Taiwan now require the presence of American troops there?
"A. We are talking about the general state of relationships in Asia and in the world. It is in reference to that our general decisions on deployments will be made.
"Q. There is a paragraph that says 'international disputes should be settled on this basis without resorting to the use of threat or force.' Since the 'people's republic' says the difficulty with us on Taiwan is an international issue, does this mean they have agreed not to use force or the threat of force in settling or solving that?
"A. The formal position of the 'People's Republic of China' with respect to Taiwan is a matter, of course, of extreme delicacy for us to discuss here at all. Clearly, they do not, as they have stated in their part of the section on Taiwan, consider it an international problem in any normal sense. Clearly, the formal statements with respect to this issue have to be drafted with the various perspectives in mind."
Pentagon is asking for further modernization of the ROC Air Force to provide security against Chinese Communists. (File photo)
Admiral Thomas H. Moorer, chairman of the U.S. joint chiefs of staff, told the House Foreign Affairs Committee of the importance of the Republic of China in maintaining the free world defense line in the Western Pacific. His testimony came just two weeks after President Nixon's trip to the mainland.
Supporting a request for continued military assistance to the ROC, Admiral Moorer said free China provides the United States with "military basing and staging areas." The U.S. aid program, he said, has helped the Republic of China build a "capable defensive force that is well organized, trained and combat ready." The weakness of the ROC forces, he said, "lies in the lack of modem equipment as it continues to rely on obsolete World War II and Korean War equipment." He said the U.S. military wanted to help modernize free Chinese forces but that Congressional cuts in the fiscal 1972 foreign aid bill had resulted in cancellation or curtailment of these efforts.
Moorer said the modest requests to Congress had called for acquisition of air defense ammunition, technical assistance for air defense weapons systems, operational and safety aircraft modifications, and aircraft and communication spares for the Chinese Air Force. The cuts made by Congress also "seriously affected the Chinese Navy's shipyard modernization programs and the fleet air defense early warning capability," Admiral Moorer declared.
For fiscal 1973, the Pentagon asked for funds to ease the ROC transition from military grant aid to sale of equipment and cash and credit support. Included in the program recommended by Moorer were communications equipment, essential operations, maintenance items and training. Admiral Moorer said the Republic of China was an outstanding example of a country utilizing U.S. military assistance. The ROC is financing 97 per cent of its own defense costs, he said.
Congressional authorization requests submitted by Secretary Rogers called for US$15 million in military grant aid and US$55 million in military credit sales for fiscal 1973. Transfer of U.S. surplus equipment to free China was estimated at US$46.5 million.
Maj. Gen. John W. Barnes, chief of the Military Assistance Advisory Group/China, said that President Nixon's trip had not affected the Taiwan military aid operations of the United States. No instructions for any cut or change had been received from the Pentagon, he said.
While world reaction approved President Nixon's peace motives in the trip to mainland China, many American and other free world leaders urged that the interests of the Republic of China be preserved and protected. These feelings were summed up in article by Professor David Rowe of Yale University which Representative John Ashbrook of Arizona had inserted in the Congressional Record. Professor Rowe said in part:
"The Republic of China is today stronger than ever before. Its friends and admirers on every continent have even more reason to support it than ever. Long life to the Republic of China."
Some opponents of the Chinese Communists were angry. Representative John Schmitz said that the Republic of China had been betrayed in the most flagrant double-cross since Yalta. He said that the United States had gone from recognition of one free China to pretending to recognize both free and slave China "in just eight months."
The New York Daily News with the biggest circulation in the United States expressed fear that President Nixon had "inched still further away from firm U.S. support of free China's freedom and independence. The mushy wording of the U.S. position regarding Taiwan is enough to send nervous tremors running through our friends and the nervous neutralists in Asia."
Reaction in Taiwan was calm and dignified but replete with questions about what President Nixon had done and where he stood after the mainland trip and communique with Chou. Some sample comments included the following:
Wang Yun-wu, delegate to the National Assembly—"I wish President Nixon would clarify what he meant by 'Taiwan is a part of China' in terms of the context of the communique. The U.S. statement about 'peaceful settlement of the Taiwan question' and the reduction of forces in Taiwan constitute interference in the internal affairs of this country. The part in the communique about promoting trade between the U.S. and the Chinese Communists and the exchange of scientists and technicians is just like adding two wings to a tiger. This will not only affect the peace and security of the Republic of China but also of the entire free world. Before Nixon went to the China mainland he reaffirmed the U.S. defense commitments to the Republic of China. This communique represents a turning of the back on this reaffirmation and constitutes the selling out of an old friend."
Yeh Shih-hsiu, member of the Control Yuan— "President Nixon showed himself to be weak and incompetent. In the first place, he agreed to the withdrawal of forces from Southeast Asia and a reduction of forces in Taiwan. On the other hand, he got nothing comparable from the Maoists. By this I mean a pledge on their part not to resort to force either in the solution of the Taiwan question or in other parts of Asia. In the second place, the Maoists stood firm in their position about Vietnam. Nixon got no agreement at all from the Maoists. I believe that such words as 'peaceful settlement' and 'progressively reduce its forces' contained in the communique indicate that Nixon might sell out his long-time ally. The statement that the U.S. will send senior representatives to Peiping from time to time in fact is a veiled way of extending de facto recognition to the Maoist regime."
Clement C.P. Chang, president of the Tamkang College of Arts and Sciences—"Though the wording of the communique indicates that the U.S. has made some concessions, in terms of principles and realities the U.S. still kept some reservations. What is regret table is that the communique referred to the Republic of China and Maoist regime on equal terms. It even went so far as to obscure realities by its wording and attitude. This is something that no Chinese can accept. Nixon's words of appeasement in this communique not only are a blemish in history on the founding spirit of the U.S.; they will also cause serious harm and affect the free world as a whole and particularly the trust of Asian allies in the United States. The nation's intellectuals must support the consolidation of national defense and exert effort in reconstruction, especially in the development of research in national defense industries and the self-production of missiles."
Pei Li-chih, delegate to the National Assembly—"Taiwan should concentrate financial resources and manpower to develop nuclear weapons and a modern defense system for its survival. Now is the time that we must base our survival on our own strength. If we trust any ally with the maintaining of our security, we shall in the end be disappointed. To develop nuclear weapons is a question of determination. Money and manpower should not be the problems. We have enough first rate scientists in the field both at home and abroad. As for money, there will be no doubt that people from government officials down to the man on the street would tighten their belts to support the program for survival. One thing no less important is that we should revise the existing conscription law to enable women to serve on active duty. By doing this we shall have a bigger combat force."
Tao Pai-chuan, member of the Control Yuan— "The portion of the Nixon-Chou communique referring to Taiwan is a bad omen for the Republic of China. However, there is no immediate danger. The reference in the communique to 'peaceful settlement, 'withdrawal of forces' and 'reduction of forces' in terms of the Taiwan question is a reversal of U.S. policy toward the Republic of China as it has enunciated in the past. The absence of a Maoist insistence in the communique that the U.S. abolish its mutual defense treaty with the Republic of China and break diplomatic relations tends to indicate that no secret agreement about Taiwan was reached.
"To put it more clearly, U.S. concessions about the Taiwan issue are only those that have been mentioned above. The present is a period of crisis for us. However, there is no reason for us to be discouraged if we can hold fast the precious time available to make all-out attempts at reforms in politics and in the practice of economic diplomacy. At the same time, we must build up our military strength."
The China News summed it all up in these words:
"President Chiang Kai-shek has repeatedly counseled the people of the Republic of China to keep their cool during these difficult times.
"There could be no sounder advice in the wake of the Nixon-Chou communique concluding the U.S. president's visit to mainland China.
"However much we may deplore the communique and the fact of President Nixon's visit to Red China, nothing whatsoever is changed for the Republic of China.
"Our legal position and relationship with the United States remain precisely the same as before Mr. Nixon's arrival in Peiping February 21.
"The communique does not, of course, make mention of the Republic of China's mutual assistance treaty with the United States. No one could have expected it to.
"Having sat down with Chou En-lai and Mao Tse-tung, the president of the United States was not going to throw his pledge to the Republic of China in their faces.
"Although President Nixon made a point of his agreement with Chou En-lai not to discuss the communique, his national security adviser, Henry Kissinger, did not hesitate to affirm that Mr. Nixon stands by the treaty pledge to defend Taiwan against aggression.
"Aside from generalities, the United States and Chinese Communists agreed on very little. Each side was compelled to state its views separately in the absence of any meeting of the minds.
"With regard to Taiwan, the Communists baldly reiterated their intention to seize this island and did not renounce the use of force. This alone gives the lie to Peiping's other protestations of interest in peace and relaxation of Asian tensions.
"The United States said it does not question the doctrine of one China, which is a basic principle of the Republic of China's policy, but hoped for a peaceful settlement by the Chinese Communists themselves.
"That is a far cry from the sword rattling implicit in what the Peiping regime had to say.
"There was nothing new or alarming in the United States' stipulation that it hoped ultimately to withdraw all forces and military installations from Taiwan.
"The key word is 'ultimately.' Furthermore, the United States said military reductions on Taiwan will be made only as 'tension in the area diminishes.'
"What the Chinese Communists had to say in the communique heightens tensions instead of reducing them.
"In any event, the American military presence on Taiwan is so small as to be insignificant. Of the approximately 9,000 U.S. military men, almost all are concerned with support of the American war effort in Vietnam.
"Naturally, that commitment will decrease (and has in fact decreased already) with winding down of the Vietnam war.
"Not one combat infantryman of the United States is stationed on Taiwan. Aside from the connection with Vietnam, the American military presence involves only the Taiwan Defense Command, the American Military Assistance Advisory Group/China and small contingents of the U.S. Air Force.
"American military forces do not defend Taiwan. They are not even of token size.
"The Republic of China's defense is in the hands of its own highly competent forces backed up by the assurance against aggression contained in the mutual security treaty.
"It is the treaty which deters the Chinese Communists from continuing an aggression which they tried to start with the saturation shellings of the offshore islands in 1958. It is the treaty which President Nixon did not mention in the communique.
"Peiping will boast, perhaps, that President Nixon subscribed to the five Bandung Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. The principles themselves are harmless. The United States has always respected the rights of others and has a 200-year history of opposing aggression.
"The fault of the Bandung principles lies in their nonobservance by the Communists and not in the principles themselves. Peiping's peaceful pretensions are and always have been sheer hypocrisy.
"Who gets what from President Nixon's junket?
"The United States receives some worthless pledges of peaceful intentions and the opportunity for a little trade. Peiping gets an aura of respectability which is wholly undeserved and which will be quickly torn away with the next Asian crisis.
"President Nixon mayor may not get a boost toward re-election. That will depend on how the American people finally come to view a trip which he has exaggerated as a 'journey for peace.'
"Although nothing is immediately changed, the Republic of China and the free Chinese people should not fail to regard the warning implicit in this latest result of the Peiping regime's smiling diplomacy.
"The world is on the move, constantly and endlessly. Soon it will be 23 years since the Communists usurped the mainland. President Truman in Peiping would have been unthinkable. Much of the world was not especially shocked by President Nixon's trip.
"The time is rapidly approaching not only for the new dynamic diplomacy we have been promised but also for all-out endeavors to speed mainland recovery. We cannot win by sitting on our hands, scowling at the enemy and calling Me. Nixon names."