Taiwan Today

President Chiang Kai-shek’s New Year’s Day message

January 1, 1968

My Fellow Countrymen:

Today in the 57th year of the Re­public of China we mark the anniversary that commemorates the revolutionary founding of the Republic 56 years ago. It was then that our Founding Father, Dr. Sun Yat-sen, found himself no longer able to watch and tolerate the agony of our people submerged under foreign suppression; whereupon he appealed to the nation’s patriotic heroes, many of whom subsequently died a martyr’s death, to unite and concentrate all their efforts, body and soul, in the supreme cause of restoring China to Chinese rule and of replacing the monarchy with a republic. And he plead­ed for this in the name of supreme duly - the duty of saving the nation through revolution. His lofty aim was the crea­tion of an ideal nation characterized by independence, liberty and equality on the basis of San Min Chu I (Three Princi­ples of the People).

Yet today we are still concerned for our seven hundred million mainland compatriots suffering from both unprecedented and ever-increasing agonies of exposure, hunger, persecution, despotic rule and extinction. The fierce anti-Communism of the mainland people and the anti-Mao armed clashes within the Chinese Communist Party give indication once more of how the sons and daughters of China continue to manifest the benevolence and unflagging revolutionary courage necessary to the complete dis­charge of the supreme duty of national salvation even while they are bitterly fighting on and waiting for reinforce­ments. Their magnificent, courageous, persistent deeds of anti-Maoism and anti-despotism effectively implement and extend the National Revolution for the suppression of Communist rebellion on the mainland. They are likewise con­tinuing the work begun by our Founding Father and the revolutionary martyrs dedicated to the restoration of Chinese rule and to the establishment of a re­public in the land of China.

We are well aware that Mao the vil­lain’s “great proletarian cultural revolu­tion” is designed to utilize the tactics of “power-seizure” and “rebellion” to destroy the ethical, moral and historical foundations of our 5,000-year-old civili­zation. There is his further intention to eradicate justice, so indispensable to the continuing existence of humankind, and plunge the 700 million Chinese into cadaver mountains and blood pools by way of endless slavery and countless struggles - and all these merely to attain his selfish purpose of establishing “Maoism”.

Crazed and struggling in his death throes, Mao Tse-tung is striving to stir up an internal “combat self-interest” campaign while professing to expose and uproot human selfishness!

But in fact, Mao Tse-tung is himself the most notorious self-seeker and arch-criminal, in whom selfishness dominates every thought and deed. It is he who should be the first to be struck down and extirpated in his own campaign!

It is well known that in the military sphere Mao is capitalizing on the deterrent power of his clouds of atomic dust to forestall any popular uprising against him. The enormous lethal power of nu­clear weaponry is also being exploited by Mao to scare into submission the al­ready frightened and wavering rank and file among his own armed forces, lest they should point their guns against him. In line with this, Mao has instituted fur­ther precautionary measures in the form of “struggles”, in which his “marshals”, “great generals”, political commissars and Party Committee members-who have one and all been his faithfuls for scores of years right through the phases of his insurrections against the Govern­ment-have been, and continue to be, criticized and defamed until their names stink, they themselves tumble and fall, and finally die in ignominy or are murdered. And the vacancies created are then filled with military personnel from among the members of the “great cultural revolution group”, an organiz­ation under the sway of Chiang Ching (one of Mao’s wives). Is not this an outcropping of Mao’s selfishness aiming at the transformation of the Communist armed forces into his personal tool for tyranny?

In the political sphere, his chicanery both within and without the Communist Party has been fully exposed. This left him in a state of isolation and at his wit’s end. So he began his campaign of “power-seizure” and “rebellion” in an at­tempt to regain lost power and prestige from the Party and its administrative cadres. He cares not at all that he is destroying 5,000 years of Chinese civi­lization and history, and leaving China what eventually will be nothing but the ruins of “national extinction” and red terror. Countless Communist Party members, Communist troops and “Red Guards” have thus been dragged into involvement in his putrid acts of disin­tegration and mutual execution, or con­demned to suffer and die in hells of labor reform or concentration camps. Can all this be regarded as other than the evidence of Mao’s selfishness mani­festing itself in a determination to pre­serve his oligarchical position at all costs?

In the spheres of land policy and the general economy, Mao began with move­ments of “class demarcation”, “land division”, “three antis”, “five antis” and “state-private joint ownership”. Then came the people’s communes. Mao sought to monopolize the land and all other assets of the people. Is not this again a revelation of Mao’s selfishness, which now equates to a determination to become the nation’s sole landlord and only capitalist?

In the sphere of education and social order as a whole, Mao seeks to trans­form the entire mainland into a so-called “great school of Maoism” by com­pelling every family to become a “study class” and “mutual criticism meeting”. Parents, children, wives and husbands, brothers and sisters are without exception forced to recite quotations from Mao Tse-tung, to worship his image and to engage in bitter, anti-ethical, anti­-human struggles by placing them under mutual surveillance and by inciting them to hate one another. He has turned Chinese society at large into a domain of selfishness worse than the bedlam of beasts. Every school is being changed into a commune, none other than a Communist special labor regiment. Faculty departments in schools and col­leges have been wiped out and reorgan­ized into labor-military squads and platoons. Mao Tse-tung has established political departments in schools so as to subject innocent students to what is known as “one struggle, two - criticisms and three reforms”. The new generation shall use their hands only, not their brains. By shackling people’s minds and enslaving their bodies, he is actually bringing about genocide and national destruction. Is not this Mao’s selfishness that is underscoring the thoroughgoing brainwashing of the younger generation so that “Maoism” may enjoy the monopoly of all activities, spiritual or mental?

In regard to the world as a whole, Mao is single-mindedly endeavoring to establish an absolute hegemony headed by himself. Pursuing this end, he has ceaselessly tightened his grip on the mainland people so that he may carry out a series of thermonuclear tests under the pretense of promoting production and military preparedness. The merciless extortion that has plunged the nation into intolerable poverty in order to pay for the thermonuclear tests is the principal cause of the Communist internal schism and chaos now gripping the mainland. In spite of this, or perhaps because of it, Mao is now casting his glances out­ward and striking up a stance of intimi­dation, not only against the anti-Mao sectors among the Communists them­selves, but also against Asia and the world as a whole, by threatening them with a nuclear holocaust. However, each new nuclear blast only leads to an­other anti-Mao explosion in the hearts of the mainland people and one more anti­nuclear explosion in the hearts of men and women all over the world. Is not this further evidence of Mao’s selfish­ness, exposing his determination to es­tablish absolute hegemony by means of his readiness to involve it in a thermonu­clear war?

In the sphere of Communist ideology, he is an advocate of throwing away the cloak of Marxism-Leninism in favor of his “Maoism”. Is this act of forgetting his ancestors and devouring his parents like vultures and jackals any other than his selfish attempt to establish an international Communist hegemony of “Maoism”?

It is also common knowledge that Mao Tse-tung has been a notorious liar dating from the very beginning of his insurrection on the mainland. To our own people, he pretended to be creating a “new democracy”, an “alliance of the four great classes”, a “national capitalism”, and to be “putting workers in the lead” and “letting the (down-trodden) peasants reverse their fortunes”. To the outside world, he professed to be an “agrarian reformer”, a “representative of political reform”, an advocate of “peace­ful coexistence” and “leaning to one side toward Russia” - all gigantic lies. He did all this because he wished to bring about first a “united front”, then a “transition” and finally a “dictatorship”-all selfish plots. But after he had seized mainland power through the gun barrel, he soon undertook to wrestle hegemony over the Communist bloc away from the “Russian revisionists”. He further subjected his own basic mass supporters, namely, the workers, the poor and the lower-middle peasantry, the petite bourgeoisie, and the intelligentsia, to imprisonment in concentration camps, to labor reform, to “starvation, to persecution and to campaigns of terror. The egocentric Mao now deprived the masses of their promised rights. Then he went from bad to worse. Today all those under his control - regardless of their Party affiliation or whether they be military or civilian, peasants or workers or “Red Guards” - are branded as self-seeking and guilty of sentimentality whenever they give the slightest thought to their own sufferings from exposure and hunger, to the homelessness of their parents, brothers and members of family, or to their personal problems of employ­ment, profession, marriage and daily life. They are to be subjected to criticism and struggle by name, one after another, and they will finally be rooted out and cast away. But the truth is that if there is to be any real struggle against selfishness, it should be Mao Tse-tung who is singled out as the supreme example of the self-seeker and who should be discredited, struck down and struggled against to the death. Unless Mao Tse-tung, the sole selfish big landlord and capitalist, is eliminated, no one on the mainland can survive even in a state of misery. Unless he is eliminated, humanity will remain indefinitely under the threat of red thermonuclear radioactive holocausts. As Mao will never stop until overtaken by a nuclear war of his own causation, no man can expect peace and security.

My Fellow Countrymen: It is an incontrovertible fact that the anti-Com­munist and anti-Mao activities on the mainland today constitute an extension of the National Revolution that our Founding Father led 57 years ago for the restoration of China to her former sovereign dignity and for the establish­ment of our Republic. These activities also constitute an extension of our Communist-suppression campaign of the last 40 years. The Communists are liquidat­ing the fiercest “rebels” among the cadres of their own Party, administrative organs and military ranks. Are not these free­dom fighters doing honor to and praising the Kuomintang and San Min Chu I? From statements published by the Maoist regime itself, we can clearly understand that the “cadres” have been denounced and struggled for committing the follow­ing big crimes:

- “They described the guiding ideology of the Chinese Revolution as San Min Chu I.”

- “The Kuomintang of San Min Chu I is a hugely effective banner.”

- “No one fears the implementation of San Min Chu I; everyone fears the implementation of the weakest platform of the Chinese Communist Party.”

- “They have made Chiang Kai-shek a revolutionary banner.”

- “They have lauded and made a legend of the allegiance, the courage and the love for the people of the Kuo­mintang forces.”

These statements provide additional evidence that Mao hates the ethical cul­ture of the Chinese people and that above all he fears the San Min Chu I, which China needs today. To touch Mao’s fatal point, the most lethal of weapons are the central leadership in the movement of suppressing Mao for the sake of national salvation, and the banner of the National Revolutionary Forces. The ceaseless anti-Mao National Salvation activities of the mainland people and Communist cadres mark the con­tinuation and expansion of our suppres­sion of the Communist insurrection by the National Revolutionary Forces during the last 40 years. These undertakings are popular, moral, in obedience to the will of heaven and in harmony with the wish of man.

My Fellow Countrymen: Why does the Communist traitor Mao repeatedly carry out his wicked nuclear testing? The reason is not difficult to discern. The Maoist regime knows that it is suffering from a fatal illness beyond cure. So the nuclear explosions are resorted to as a hypnotic to divert attention at home and abroad, to deceive people into be­lieving that Mao tips the balance of power with his nuclear weapons. This is an attempt to conceal, at the same time to mitigate, the tragedy of Com­munist internal struggle.

Mao’s nuclear tests a-e also a form of international blackmail intended to help the regime break out of its state of total ostracism by both the free world and the rest of the Communist bloc, and to engineer escape from a situation fraught with dangerous crises. The Maoists seek to exact political ransom by horse-trading with other nuclear na­tions. Meanwhile, Mao has to threaten non-nuclear nations with nuclear dispersion in the hope that by some stroke of luck they will be frightened into acquies­cence.

Everyone knows that in the Maoist regime’s development of its military, its economy, its education and its social order, not a single one escapes affliction with blind craziness plus a Boxer-style reactionary syndrome. In a reactionary, backward regime like Mao’s, wherein the irrational policy of having amateurs take control of experts prevails, the abnormal development of nuclear technology stands out in sharp contrast to its counterparts in other lands where the guiding policy is to harness nuclear energy to peaceful purposes for the benefit of all. One upshot of this is that the Maoists are unable to keep abreast with the pro­gress in science and industry in other lands. The Mao regime is thus really weak and hollow as a state and can never endure for long. All Mao’s objectives and his treachery have been invalidated.

Despite Mao’s international chicanery and blackmail, the United States and the Soviet Union cannot be intimidated by Mao’s primitive atomic weapons. China’s neighboring countries, such as Burma, Ceylon, Nepal and India, are res­olutely opposed to these blackmailing tests. Mao’s career of wickedness has not helped extricate his regime from international ostracism, but instead has plunged it deeper into an abyss of fanaticism and total ostracism in a hostile environment. “Maoism” cannot be prop­ped up on the prospect of nuclear ruins. In fact, the Maoists are only provoking a monstrous disaster of nuclear offensive and annihilation from all directions encircling the China mainland.

Regarded as a tool serving the inter­ests of international higher politics and blackmail, nuclear weaponry is only ef­fective when aimed at simple isolated targets, not at dispersed but interrelated ones, especially not the vast targets which move or can be moved. The basic strategy of our anti-Communist and anti-Maoist revolution is to create an extensive war theater, to sap the enemy from within his own camp and defeat him behind his frontline. Now in our military actions against Mao and Communism, the closer we get to the enemy, the less the enemy is able to take advantage of its nuclear weapons and therefore the safer our counteroffensive will be. Consequently, the deeper we wedge ourselves into Mao’s nuclear base, the better our chance to come to control or even destroy his nu­clear set-up. This reasoning is clear to anyone with some acquaintance of mili­tary know-how and thus he will not be afraid.

To the Chinese Communist Party and its administrative cadres, peasants and workers, educators and intellectuals, I say: All of you have been exposed to prolonged suffering as a consequence of Mao’s deceit, humiliation and persecu­tion. You are witnesses to the truth that “Maoism” has brought the country noth­ing but limitless hunger, terror and dis­aster. This oligarchic tyrant Mao has visited a lifetime of struggle, criticism, send-down, imprisonment, reform labor and massacre upon the people. No peo­ple in their right mind could cherish any illusion that Mao may yet be able to ex­plain away his countless crimes, can pos­sibly emerge victorious in the “power­-seizure” and “insurrection” through a stroke of luck; or might by some chance be able to escape from being purged himself in the end. Everyone should know that in this determination to carry out his “cultural revolution” to the bitter end, Mao is ignoring the fury of the armed struggle between the two factions now contending in each province, ch’u (“autonomous region”), hsien (county) or city. He is also ignoring the seriousness of the damage, the indignation and hatred of all the military and civilians, and the risk of the people resolving “to perish together with the tyrant”. This spring he will put into practice a new plan and organize “hsien (county) rev­olutionary committees” and “provincial and municipal revolutionary committees”, and then convene the so-called National Congress to organize a “central revolu­tionary committee” in replacement of the present Chinese Communist Party Central Committee, to establish a new “peo­ple’s government” and to choose a new “president”. The goal is the creation of a people’s commune type of government­al system that will complete the “rebel­lion” and “power-seizure”, and consummate the organization of Mao’s egocentric regime. After that, Mao can under­take the atrocities of widespread purges, liquidation and slaughter in accordance with his own will and that of Chiang Ching. How then can the cadres who have opposed Mao’s wicked “people’s commune” and great “cultural revolution” manage to survive? Without question, those who lacked the courage to “struggle” Mao to the death during the reign of terror eventually will be discredited and “struggled” to death by Mao. When the big new egocentric regime is established, there will be no way out for any intelligent, resourceful, righteous-minded revolutionary cadre or for any dissenter whatsoever. This is proved both by the experience of the last 40 years and by what Mao has done in the last 20 months. The only way out is for all of us to rid ourselves of any irresolu­tion, hesitancy and happy-go-luckyism, and with revolutionary determination and dynamism, to join the united front for the punitive expedition against Mao for the salvation our nation, to form a spiritual alliance, to focus our hearts’ desire, to consolidate ourselves into organized unities, and to support one another and march forward on the high­way to liberty and light.

To soldiers of the Communist armed forces, I say: Every nation of the world -democratic or Communist-must have a chief of state or president. Liu Shao-chi, whom you have called “president”, has been missing for more than a year. Where is he now? Has he been im­prisoned? Was he compelled to take his own life? Why is there no slightest indi­cation of his whereabouts? In fact, all the organizations of “party”, “govern­ment” and the “military” that Mao form­erly controlled now have been disrupt­ed, disintegrated and destroyed by this completely self-centered bandit chief Mao Tse-tung. The mainland long has been in a condition of anarchy; it is like a bankrupt street stall that belongs to no one. In this state of anarchy, and con­sidering that your lives and future hang in the balance, are not you - the soldiers of the Communist armed forces-really the members of an orphaned army?

Under such circumstances, all of you should examine and reflect upon the ultimate purpose of your service in the armed forces. Everyone knows that soldiers serve in order to defend their country and safeguard their people. If you have the opportunity, you may quietly ask your parents, elders and associates to tell you the identity of your true country and your true government. Who is really your chief of state? Thus you will understand that the Republic of China is your fatherland and the Na­tional Government presently on Taiwan is your government, President Chiang Kai-shek, who was elected by the people of the whole nation, including those of the mainland, is the chief of your state.

President Chiang, who is on Taiwan, is unceasingly concerned about the dan­gers of your environment, your struggle for existence and the difficulty of your future. He is calling upon you to serve the cause of your fatherland and protect those mainland compatriots who are persecuted, struggled against and tortured by Mao Tse-tung. He is urging you to show your loyalty to the country and to turn your back on the devil-tyrant Mao Tse-tung. It is Mao who has cheated both military and civilians, who has massacred thousands upon thousands of our compatriots, who has torn apart every family on the mainland, including your own, so that family members have come to hate and kill one another, and who has instigated the “Red Guards” to destroy the nation and annihilate the Chinese race. Your President also calls upon you to reject the lackeys of the “military cultural revolutionary group” led by Mao’s wife Chiang Ching. I am sure that among those who have endured this heartbreaking, sanguinary and end­less torture and trial, none will be so foolish as to give loyalty to the devil Mao. Who can ever again have faith in this supreme egoist-tyrant Mao? Who could suppress the consciousness of guilt to follow him and once more engage in rebellion, power seizure, cultural rev­olution and struggle? You on the main­land have already seen Mao ignore past service and bring to open trial large num­bers of so-called “senior marshals” and “marshals” as well as others who have recently “rebelled”, “seized power”, “per­formed meritorious deeds” and loyally devoted themselves to the “military cul­tural revolutionary group”. Is Mao like­ly to make you the exception and con­siderately permit you to make your way down the road of escape after you have participated in his “three-way alliance”? Once you have calmly considered these matters, you will come to understand them. Once you have considered and understand these matters, you will naturally know better than I what you should do.

My Fellow Countrymen: An iron law holds true in China: a government thrives when it relies on the people’s will and perishes when it rejects the people’s will. Or to express it in another way: those who stand with the people will flourish and those who stand against the people will fall. As our Founding Father Dr. Sun Yat-sen put it: “Society and the state represent the substance of mutual aid. The virtues of benevolence and righteousness represent the mani­festation of mutual aid. If mankind follows this principle, it will flourish; other­wise it will perish.” In keeping with our national ethics, we military and civilian brethren on this bastion of national recovery must dedicate ourselves to Chi­nese cultural renaissance in order to provide the antidote to Mao’s attempt to poison and destroy our civilization. On the political and social plane, we must undertake administrative reform in our democratic and constitutional government so as to counteract Mao’s rampant outrages of “power-seizure", “rebellion” and “anarchism”. In science and education we need to extend the period of free education, develop scien­tific education and expand and improve economic reconstruction as our answer to Mao’s efforts “to resume school work for the making of revolutions” - in other words, for the eradication of the last remnants of real education. It is also our answer to his last undertaking to extort and squeeze out the people’s last drop of blood and sweat in order to finance his abuse of science for the pro­duction of thermonuclear fallouts. The people’s will, rejected as it is by the “perishing government” on the mainland, is an asset to our “thriving government”, because the will of our 700 million com­patriots on the mainland is a tremendous and irresistible force for our anti-Com­munist and anti-Maoist movement. This is why Mao and his band of traitors on the mainland have been compelled to shriek out their own death-bed lamentation: “The force of resistance is proportionately far greater than is to be ex­pected from the population ratio.” Again, “The Kuomintang will return to the mainland soon’” They have even shouted in horror: “We are facing the overthrow of the Party and the fate of decapitation.”

In actuality this is only the prelimin­ary war between San Min Chu I and the wicked Mao regime - a war being fought on ideological, spiritual, cultural, eco­nomic, social and military fronts. This is also in accordance with our basic creed in the offensive for national re­covery; that is to say, “an army is vic­torious when victory is won even before the battle is joined.” All of us must now follow the revolutionary will of Dr. Sun Yat-sen and once again demonstrate the spirit of benevolence and courage in the face of national degradation. We must press forward unitedly from our individ­ual posts whether facing the enemy or behind his front, regardless of party or factional differences or past favors or grievances. We must persevere in the cause of our nation and traditional cul­ture, maintain our revolutionary spirit, resist any and every kind of Maoist en­slavement, destroy all Maoist weapons, and channel all manpower and materials into our war potential for the suppres­sion of Mao and National Salvation, and for the deliverance of our 700 million compatriots from the Communist hell. Thus we may glorify once more our 5,000-year-old Chinese civilization sys­tem of ethics, and complete the task of building the new China as envisaged by our Founding Father, Dr. Sun Yat-sen, and expressed in the ethical, democratic and scientific foundation of San Min Chu I. Only in this way can we escape being ashamed in the view of our Found­ing Father and the revolutionary martyrs; only in this way can we express our sincerity in commemorating the anniversary of the establishment of our Republic; only in this way can we, mili­tary and civilians alike on this bastion of national recovery, live up to the expecta­tions of our compatriots on the main­land.

President Chiang Kai-shek’s message to the Mao suppression and national salvation rally on the 14th anniversary of Freedom Day

January 23, 1968

Fourteen thousand Chinese Commu­nist prisoners of war courageously chose freedom in Korea January 23, 1954. Since then the Freedom Day Movement has grown steadily and now has become a united expression of free mankind in the battle of liberty versus tyranny. The Freedom Day Movement is setting the course for the further unfolding of his­tory and eventually will corroborate the axiom that “Slavery will fail and tyranny will collapse”.

Mao Tse-tung has become the com­mon enemy of the world and the worst scum of human society. The failure of the fanatical “great cultural revolution”, the continuing Red Guard turmoil and the endless killings of the “power-seizure struggle” have brought Mao’s regime to the brink of final collapse. Mao’s egocentric ambitions long ago engendered sharp antagonisms between the ruling Com­munist Party and the people of the mainland. The Party itself is torn by mad struggle and internecine warfare. Deep schisms afflict even the relations among the Maoists. Amid all this confusion, the anti-Mao struggle has swiftly become an all-out offensive against Communism. The people of the mainland are striving to save themselves and their country with a rising torrent of revolutionary upris­ings.

Responding to the altered balance of strength between the Republic of China and the enemy, our government has established the Mao Suppression and Na­tional Salvation United Front and adopt­ed a strategy of action. We are inviting all anti-Mao and anti-Communist forces - at home and abroad, in front of and behind the enemy’s lines - to rally under the banner of San Min Chu I (Dr. Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles of the People) and march forward hand in hand and shoulder to shoulder to our common destination. All of us here in this bas­tion of national recovery will understand this strategy and join in providing the motive force to make our Movement a success. At this dual-purpose rally we are celebrating the 14th anniversary of Freedom Day and giving impetus to the Mao Suppression and National Salvation Front. All of us join together in urging patriotic and anti-Mao people every­where to combine forces with us in the common struggle and deal the final and fatal blow to Mao Tse-tung.

The program of action of the Mao Suppression and National Salvation Unit­ed Front requires simultaneous mobilization and attack on many fronts - political, economic, military, diplomatic and cultural. Special emphasis is to be placed on the progress of both Chinese cultural renaissance and the scientific modernization of national construction. Our glorious victory can be expedited only if we fight on both intellectual and material battlegrounds in this contest between freedom and slavery, between San Min Chu I and the Communist heresy, be­tween perfect benevolence and the most evil wickedness. In this way we shall recover and reconstruct our nation in a single victorious battle.

This is the moment to unite all the freedom forces of the world and under­take a universal crusade to deliver those who are enslaved behind the iron cur­tain. After that we shall enter the new epoch of San Min Chu I and go for­ward toward the ideal of one great com­monwealth of freedom and equality.

Vice President C. K. Yen’s address at the Mao suppression and national salvation rally on the 14th anniversary of Freedom Day

January 23, 1968

Mr. Chairman, honorable guests, free­dom fighters, ladies and gentlemen:

Today we observe the 14th anniversary of Freedom Day. Fourteen years ago 14,000 Chinese prisoners-of-war in Korea took a remarkable and highly courageous stand that stirred people all over the world. In the years since then Communism has been faced with certain defeat and its dictatorial rule has been doomed to extinction. The auguries for this are to be found in the famine, con­fusion, struggle and schism that are prevailing on the Chinese mainland after nearly two decades of Mao’s evil rule.

Reflected in the daring, exciting triumph of these anti-Communist brave men was the boundless courage of the Chinese people - a courage also express­ed in the sentiments of others who seek freedom. Their deeds amplified human­kind’s cry for justice. Their thrilling, moving story has added an outstanding page to the history of mankind.

Our Freedom Day Movement has been extended from the Republic of China and Korea to other parts of the world during the last 14 years. The movement has come to symbolize the global campaign for support of all en­slaved people in their struggle for liberty. As a result, those behind the iron curtain have been encouraged to rise up against despotic rule. Their determina­tion to gain freedom has been hardened. Uprisings and defections have become more frequent.

Present here today are freedom fight­ers from Korea, Vietnam, and the Chinese mainland. Also with us are other freedom fighters from Indonesia and honorable guests from the United States. They are witnesses to the success of our Movement. Additionally, their presence gives this rally deeper meaning and strengthens our determination to carry on the battle for freedom.

There can be no denying that our Movement has tolled the death knell of the Chinese Communists. They have tied to intimidate the world with their overwhelming population and have sought to transform their tactic of hu­man-sea warfare into the means of inter­national aggression. The Freedom Day Movement has exposed their evil trickery from the beginning. The masses of the people are no longer to be considered slaves that the Communists can oppress with their despotism and use as weapons against the forces of freedom. Even the Red armed forces are no longer reliable. The Communist troops have joined civilians of the mainland in their determination to see an opportunity to gain freedom. If they cannot win their liberty, they are determined to revolt.

The mass defection of the 14,000 prisoners 14 years ago lifted up the hearts of the people on the mainland and set a persuasive example for others. The forces of anti-Communism now surging across the mainland have grown from seeds that first were sown on Freedom Day. It was then that the Chinese Com­munists were dealt the first blow in the attack that would destroy them.

To the democratic countries, this day provides conclusive proof that the Pei­ping regime is opposed to the free will of the people and that its foundations are constructed of clay. Peiping seeks to cover up internal unrest with external aggression, but the effort is wholly lack­ing in popular support. In meeting the Communist challenge, democratic coun­tries should keep in mind the Freedom Day finding that if Communist expan­sion is resisted, its weaknesses will be exposed and its collapse will be assured ill the briefest period of time.

This great day has encouraged our fellow countrymen immensely. The Freedom Day epic that these 14,000 freedom seekers have written with their blood and tears provides adequate proof of how deeply our compatriots on the mainland hate Communism, how strongly they yearn for freedom, and how fervently they support an early counter-offensive under the eminent leadership of President Chiang Kai-shek. We need have no doubt that the compatriots of Taiwan and the mainland have develop­ed a common heart, that they have forged a common will, and that they are prepared to reply to each other’s sum­mons. They have welded themselves together in a joint effort to destroy the Chinese Communists. This is further assurance that the victory in our holy war and counteroffensive has never been in doubt.

How else can we commemorate this historic day? That question is being answered at this meeting. We shall join together in suppressing Mao and saving our country. We shall never pause until all of the Mao regime’s remnant vices and poisons have been eradicated from the mainland.

President Chiang Kai-shek’s Youth Day calls for establishment of a Mao Suppression and National Salvation United Front is the perfect revolutionary strategy in this moment of decision. This is the goal toward which all patriotic Chinese at home and abroad are striving. In only a year, the President’s pledge of “Those who are not our enemies are our comrades” has brought enthusiastic response from throughout the free world and from every corner of the Chinese mainland. Mao is now beleaguered by forces of freedom that have taken shape both inside and outside the mainland. The chieftain of the Chinese Commu­nists is faced by an attack from the peo­ple. His days are numbered.

In this critical moment, we need to strengthen the Mao Suppression and Na­tional Salvation United Front and quicken our offensive. We must launch stronger attacks against Mao and his cohorts on all fronts-ideological, politi­cal, economic, cultural, civilian and mil­itary.

We wish to tell the world of our main objectives in the common effort to suppress Mao. These objectives are the upholding of our great cultural tradition, the protection of human dignity, the restoration of democracy on the Chinese mainland, and the assurance of peace and justice for all the world. We want to remind the free world that there is just one way to eradicate the root of all evils. That is to give us the moral and material support necessary to grasp the first favorable opportunity to destroy the Mao regime. Then we shall establish a new China based on the ideals of San Min Chu I (Dr. Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles of the People). In the process, we shall attain the goal of national re­covery and pave the way to enduring peace in Asia and the world.

The transition from the Freedom Day Movement to the Mao Suppression and National Salvation Movement rep­resents a decisive step in our great anti­-Communist crusade. We have unwaver­ing confidence that in solidifying our movement and continuing the struggle in accordance with this sagacious strategy and under the inspiring leadership of our President, we shall write a brilliant new page in the history of freedom’s triumph over slavery.

Text of Sino-Thai joint communique

January 9, 1968

1. At the invitation of the Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Thailand, Vice President and concurrently Prime Minister Yen Chia-kan of the Republic of China and Madame Yen, accompani­ed by ranking officials of the Chinese Government, paid an official visit to the Kingdom of Thailand from January 4 to January 10, 1968.

2. During their visit to Thailand, Vice President and Madame Yen were receiv­ed in audience by Their Majesties the King and Queen of Thailand, in the course of which Vice President and Madame Yen conveyed to Their Majes­ties the warm personal greetings of Presi­dent and Madame Chiang Kai-shek.

3. During his visit to Thailand, the Vice President had the opportunity to acquaint himself with the social and eco­nomic development projects as well as the rich cultural heritage of the Thai na­tion. He was highly impressed by the achievements of the Thai government and people in such important fields of human endeavor as education, develop­ment of infrastructural facilities, public health and welfare.

4. The Vice President and the Prime Minister held frank discussions on the international situation, with particular reference to matters of mutual interest, in an atmosphere of utmost cordiality.

5. Reviewing the current situation in Asia, the two leaders noted that the Communist aggressors are relentlessly pursuing their war of conquest and ex­pansion in Vietnam as well as taking steps to heighten their aggressive actions against the freedom and independence of other free countries in the pivotal South­east Asia region. Vice President Yen Chia-kan and Prime Minister Thanom Kittikachorn expressed their deep ad­miration for the fortitude and courage of the government and people of the Re­public of Vietnam in the valiant struggle to preserve their sovereign rights and territorial integrity free from intervention of any kind. They also noted with satis­faction the continuing progress achieved by the Republic of Vietnam in political, economic, social and other fields.

6. Vice President Yen took special note of the significant and irreplaceable contributions made by Thailand in as­sisting the Republic of Vietnam to de­fend itself against Communist aggres­sion. The two leaders expressed appreciation for the support and assistance rendered by freedom-loving nations to the Republic of Vietnam, convinced as they are that inasmuch and so long as Hanoi persists in its expansionist course, no effort should be spared by the free nations in rendering support to the Re­public of Vietnam in resisting and repelling Communist aggression so that the Vietnamese people will be able to shape their own destiny without external inter­ference.

7. The Vice President and the Prime Minister reaffirm the genuine desires of their respective governments and peo­ples to see a speedy end to the bloodshed and restoration of a durable and honorable peace to the region. In this connection, they strongly deplore the reckless intransigence and callous at­titude repeatedly shown by the Communist aggressors towards sincere initiatives for peace by free nations, Asian as well as other.

8. The two leaders were in agree­ment that the declared policy and cease­less machinations of the Communists to destroy the free and independent existence of nations in this region pose a grave threat to regional peace and stability. They concurred that in the face of this danger, the free nations should heighten their vigilance and seek effective means to safeguard their security. To this end, the two leaders will endeavor to work closely together with a view to promoting unity of purpose and concerted ac­tions among the countries of the region.

9. Reaffirming the historic ties of friendship between China and Thailand, the cultural affinity of the two peoples, their community of ideals and common interests, and their mutual assistance in the United Nations and other interna­tional bodies, the Vice President and the Prime Minister agreed to strengthen the cooperation between the two countries and work with other friendly nations in bringing about conditions essential to the stability, prosperity and social well-being of the Asian and Pacific region.

10. The two leaders noted with satis­faction the increasing sense of unity and growing movement towards regional co­operation among the freedom-loving countries of the Asian and Pacific region which they felt would contribute effec­tively to ensuring their future well-being and development, thereby increasing their ability to maintain their freedom and independence.

11. Recognizing that worthwhile advantages are to be derived from peaceful collaboration on the basis of equal partnership and mutuality of interests, the two leaders reaffirm the support of their respective governments and peoples for the Asian and Pacific Council (ASPAC) and its undertakings designed to ensure harmonious and fruitful cooperation between member countries to the benefit of the region as a whole.

12. Cognizant of the ever-growing need of the region for agricultural prod­ucts, the Vice President and the Prime Minister are convinced that regional stability and well-being will be further enhanced through collaboration by their two countries in the effective application of modern techniques and know-how to the production of staple food. To this end, they agreed that possible avenues of technical cooperation and exchange of experiences between the Republic of China and Thailand, together with other interested parties, be explored in an effort to increase production as well as supply for the need of other countries of the region.

13. Prime Minister Thanom Kittika­chorn, expressing deep appreciation for Vice President Yen’s visit, stated that the visit has brought even closer the friendly relations between the Republic of China and Thailand.

14. Vice President Yen Chia-kan ex­pressed his grateful appreciation for the gracious hospitality extended to him and Madame Yen as well as the members of their party by Their Majesties the King and Queen of Thailand, and for the warm and friendly welcome accorded them by the government and people of Thailand.

Regulations governing implementation of the Chinese cultural renaissance movement

I. Principles for Promotion of the Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement

Adopted by sponsors of the Council on Promotion of the Chinese Cul­tural Renaissance Movement at its inaugural conference July 28, 1967

A. Basic Ideals

1. As San Min Chu I (the Three Principles of the People) crystallizes the great traditions of Chinese culture, the strengthened practice and thoroughgoing enforcement of San Min Chu I shall provide the broad avenue to Chinese cul­tural renaissance.

2. In accordance with President Chiang Kai-shek’s teaching that ethics, democracy and science constitute the essence of San Min Chu I, the Chinese cultural renaissance shall require augmented political, social and people’s welfare reconstruction.

3. The revival and development of a San Min Chu I culture shall be characterized by efforts of creation and recon­struction, fulfillment of combat missions, and rationalization and modernization of national life so as to assure the all-round long-range reconstruction of the country. The purpose is not merely to promote traditional virtues, wisdom and talent for perpetuation of the past but also to as­similate world culture and absorb its best traits for progress in the future.

4. The renaissance of Chinese culture shall call for total renewal of such outstanding traditional virtues as extensive benevolence and intensive justice in order to enhance the personality of the nation and cultivate a spirit of the times to facilitate the task of counteroffensive and national recovery.

5. As Chinese Communist wicked­ness in suppressing benevolence and cur­tailing justice is wholly incompatible with Chinese culture, the anti-Mao and anti-Communist struggle shall assume the direction of endeavors to defend and revive Chinese culture.

B. Fields of Activity

1. As education is vitally important in the promotion of the Chinese cultural renaissance movement, it shall behoove educational administrative organizations at all levels to review and improve teach­ing materials, teaching talent and social education with special emphasis on the furtherance of physical, ethical and group-life training of citizens. Positive measures of implementation shall be planned. Since the family is the cornerstone of Chinese culture, particular at­tention and guidance shall be given family education and the practice of filial duty and fraternal love.

2. Chinese classics and famous works of the intellect shall be reissued and fresh writings, translations and inven­tions encouraged in order to publicize Chinese culture and build a bridge be­tween Chinese and Western cultures. Successful publications, publishers, and publishing institutions shall be assisted with awards and promotional facilities.

3. A new literary and art movement based on ethics, democracy and science shall be encouraged so as to prompt the cultivation of worthwhile authors as well as of literary and art works indicative of the times and the ideals of the na­tional cultural renaissance.

4. The government shall be responsi­ble for planning and constructing stadiums, theaters, opera houses, auditor­iums, music halls, art galleries, etc., in all localities and in expanding the capacity of existing facilities and improving equipment so as to meet the ever-increas­ing demand.

5. All mass communication media shall engage in the cultural renaissance movement with a view to encouragement of good customs and morals, and shall step up efforts to develop research.

6. The New Life Movement shall be vigorously promoted so as to modernize and rationalize national life under the influence of traditional culture versed in the Four Social Controls and Eight Virtues (referring to propriety, rectitude, honesty and sense of shame, and to loyalty, filial piety, benevolence, love, faithfulness, justice, harmony and peace). The government also shall under­take studies and prescribe standards for rites and music, social etiquette and cor­rect dress in order to improve the image of “a land of propriety and righteous­ness” at home and abroad. Social func­tions in violation of the Four Social Controls and Eight Virtues shall be dis­couraged and banned.

7. Tourism shall be developed with a view to preserving historic sites and relics. Artifacts shall be guarded and studied as a measure to improve national culture to demonstrate the Chinese way of life.

8. Overseas Chinese schools, news­paper and organized cultural activities shall be improved, assisted and intensi­fied through appropriate regulations cur­rently in effect at home. Help shall be given wherever local conditions permit.

9. Close relationship shall be main­tained with international cultural institu­tions and with individual members, especially those engaged in academic Chinese study. Assistance and services shall be given whenever necessary. Chi­nese language textbooks shall be quickly compiled for use in foreign colleges and universities.

10. The government shall undertake the revision of old statutes and regula­tions and the adoption of new ones so as to induce private industries and businesses and wealthy individuals to make donations to cultural and educational estab­lishments established in accord with government regulations. Such gifts shall be exempt from income and inheritance taxes.

C. Cultural Combat

1. The ideology of San Min Chu I shall be invoked to expose the Chinese Communist “great proletarian cultural revolution”, which is aimed at destruc­tion of Chinese national life and to arouse the anti-Communist patriotic spirit of Chinese compatriots at home and abroad for the salvation of the coun­try and the people. Chinese intellectuals at home and abroad shall be called upon to wage joint combat against the Chinese Communists.

2. Various media shall communicate detailed information on the progress and activities of the Chinese cultural renais­sance movement at home and abroad to the Chinese people on the mainland so as to achieve the solidarity of anti-Maoist and anti-Communist ele­ments. Thus it will be possible for Chi­nese compatriots in Taiwan, in overseas areas and on the mainland to form an anti-Communist united front against Mao Tse-tung.

3. Augmented measures shall be taken to call upon Chinese Communist cultural and educational workers on the mainland and in overseas areas to defect and join the anti-Maoist and anti-Com­munist ranks. Concrete assistance shall be given to mainland intellectuals who are subject to Communist purge and liquidation. Stories of the persecuted intellectuals shall be widely publicized among international scholars so as to win support for rebuking the theory of appeasement.

4. National parliamentarian organs and educational, cultural and religious Organizations shall be asked to unite with their counterparts in other free nations to condemn the Chinese Communist crime of persecuting intellectuals and to appeal for increased unity among free nations to prevent Chinese Communist subversion and expansion and to work together for the overthrow of the Chi­nese Communist regime.

5. Materials on Chinese Communist affairs shall be published and circulated among people at home and abroad so as to familiarize them with the enemy situation and stimulate their spirit of combat against Mao Tse-tung and Com­munists.

D. Organization and Finance

1. Promotional organizations for the Chinese cultural renaissance movement shall be set up to discharge the functions of planning and implementation.

2. Promotional expenditures of the movement shall be paid by central gov­ernment appropriations in case the relevant projects are national in nature and have been approved by the govern­ment, and by local government appro­priations when the projects are local in nature. Efforts shall be made to obtain contributions from educational and cultural institutions at home and abroad, e.g., the Sun Yat-sen Educational and Cultural Foundation, so as to assure maximum financial resources.

II. The Constitution of the Council on Promotion of the Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement

Adopted by sponsors of the Coun­cil on Promotion of the Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement at their inaugural conference July 28, 1967

Section I Purpose

Article 1. The Council on Promotion of the Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement (here in after referred to as the Council) is organized under the sponsorship of people of all circles in the Republic of China for the purpose of facilitating Chinese cultural renaissance and developing cultural reconstruction based on San Min Chu I.

Section II Functions

Article 2. The Council shall have the following functions:

1) to promote the study of national culture and to initiate and effectuate cultural reconstruction of an ethical, de­mocratic and scientific nature in various fields;

2) to encourage publicly and privately endowed cultural and educational institutions to display good traditions of Chinese culture in thinking and learning;

3) to help the practice of national spiritual education for advancement of national wisdom and ability and promo­tion of national virtues so as to cultivate a great and upright personality for the nation;

4) to implement a code of conduct in national life, strengthen education in national life, and prescribe the system of civic ceremonies, rituals and social eti­quette;

5) to expand the anti-Maoist Na­tional Salvation United Front on the Chinese mainland and in overseas Chi­nese areas so as to eradicate the source of Maoist criminal actions to destroy traditional Chinese culture.

Section III Organization

Article 3. The Council shall have a President to head its activities. This of­fice shall be filled by the President of the Republic of China upon the request of the conference of the Council’s sponsors.

Article 4. The Council shall have one to three Vice Presidents to assist the President. The President shall nominate and appoint the Vice Presidents.

Article 5. The Council shall be made up of 55 to 99 members chosen and ap­pointed by the President from those working in cultural, educational and social fields.

Article 6. The Council shall have a Standing Committee consisting of 15 to 19 Council members appointed by the President.

Article 7. The Council shall hold an annual conference to discuss policy matters and the Standing Committee shall meet every three months to carryon general Council activities. The Council and its Standing Committee may hold extraordinary meetings as required.

Article 8. Members of the Council and Standing Committee shall be ap­pointed by the President every two years.

Article 9. The Council shall have a Secretary General and one to three Deputy Secretary Generals in charge of routine business in accordance with instructions given by the President and Vice Presidents and decisions made by the Council and its Standing Committee. The Secretary General and Deputy Secre­tary Generals shall be appointed by the President.

Article 10. The Council shall set up various professional research committees as decided at the Council conference. Chairmen and members of the research committees shall be appointed by the President upon the Secretary General’s recommendation.

Article 11. The Council shall have a Secretariat with sections for administra­tion, planning, promotion and examina­tion. The organization and functions of the Secretariat shall be prescribed in the by-laws.

Article 12. Members of the Council and its research committees shall serve without pay.

Article 13. The Council shall set up local committees and assemblies in vari­ous regions, appropriate organizations, schools and overseas Chinese commu­nities to meet practical needs. Organic rules for local committees and assemblies shall be prescribed in the by-laws.

Section IV Funds

Article 14. The Council shall draw funds from the following sources:

1) Donations by institutions and in­dividuals;

2) Funds raised publicly and the interest therefrom;

3) Government appropriations.

Section V Related Rules

Article 15. Rules governing Council operations shall be prescribed in the by-laws.

Article 16. The Council Constitution adopted by the conference of the Council sponsors shall become effective after ap­proval by the President.

III. Organic Rules for Branch Organs of the Council on Promotion of the Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement

Article 1. The Council on Promotion of the Chinese Cultural Renaissance

Movement (hereinafter referred to as the Council) formulates this set of Organic Rules in accordance with provi­sions in Article 13 of the Constitution.

Article 2. The Council branch organ­izations shall take one of the following four forms;

1) Provincial (municipal) promo­tional committees - to be established in a province or municipality under the direct jurisdiction of the Executive Yuan;

2) Major local promotional commit­tees - to be established in major localities or counties and cities at home and abroad under appropriate sponsorship and with Council approval;

3) Promotional committees in schools -to be established in schools above the secondary level as planned by the Min­istry of Education and in conjunction with the Chinese Youth Corps;

4) Assemblies - to be held to co­ordinate promotional work in areas, organizations and schools wherein no promotional committees have been es­tablished.

Article 3. The Council’s branch or­ganizations shall perform the functions set forth in Article 2 of the Constitution in their areas of operation.

Article 4. Each branch committee shall have a chairman nominated by the sponsoring authorities and appointed by the Council. This same procedure shall be followed when a reorganization is effected.

Article 5. The vice chairman and members of the branch committee and its standing committee shall be nominat­ed and appointed by the chairman from persons working in cultural, educational and social fields. The number of vice chairmen and the number of members of the branch committee and its standing committee shall be in accordance with requirements.

Members of the branch committee and its standing committee shall be appointed every two years.

The above personnel appointments shall be registered with the Council for reference.

Article 6. Each branch committee shall have a secretary general or secre­tary and, if necessary, assistant officers as necessitated by the work load. All these officers shall be appointed by the chairman.

Article 7. The branch committees may set up professional research committees as needs require. Members of such committees shall be appointed by the chairman and the appointments shall be registered with the Council for reference.

Article 8. The branch committees shall have sections for administration, planning, promotion and examination.

Article 9. The branch committees shall formulate working projects, which shall be submitted to the Council for approval before implementation.

Article 10. The branch committees shall submit annual work reports to the Council for examination.

Article 11. The Council may send its officers to inspect branch operations and give proper guidance.

Article 12. The branch committees shall draw funds from the following sources:

1) Donations by local institutions and individuals;

2) Appropriations from the government, related organizations and schools;

3) Miscellaneous.

Article 13. The assemblies shall be governed by the articles applying to branch committees.

Article 14. These Organic Rules shall be effective after adoption by the Coun­cil conference and approval by the Council President.

(to be continued)