Taiwan Today

A Statement Made by P. Y. Tsao of the Chinese Delegation in the 3rd Committee of the 12th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations on Nov. 27, 1957

Mr. Chairman.

The question of self-determination has been discussed in the United Nations during the last few years, and it seems to my Delegation that the emphasis of the discus­sion has been along four major lines: first, the respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms, secondly, denunciation of traditional colonialism, particularly in Asia and Africa, thirdly, the rec­ognition of national sovereignty over its natural wealth and resources, and fourthly, the study of the concept of self-determination.

The question of self-determination has become a grave international concern not only because it involves the exercise of human rights and the enjoyment of funda­mental freedoms, but also because it often affects international peace and security. This idea has in fact been embodied in Article 1 of the Charter, which provides that one of the purposes of the United Nations is "to develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples and to take their appropriate measures to strength­en universal peace." To our mind, in order to maintain peace, we have to remove the causes of war; and one of the major causes of war is the subjection of one nation or people to another. Since the Charter was drawn up in 1945, we have witnessed during the last ten years military activities in China, Korea, Indo-China and Hungary. These military activities could have been avoided, if the peoples of those nations were allowed to determine freely and peacefully for themselves without the imposition of political regimes by the foreign power from abroad.

As I have stated earlier, the discussion in the past on the question of self-determina­tion was often linked with the question of traditional colonialism, particularly in Asia and Africa. On the question of colonialism, it is hardly necessary for me to say that the sentiment of the Chinese people and the Chinese Government has always been with the nations and territories longing for justice, freedom and independence. The views of my Delegation concerning territorial questions in the United Nations are dear. We firmly believe that the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned should be the deter­mining factor. For instance, in the discussion of the Kashmir question, my Delegation has consistently supported the idea of conducting a plebiscite.

What my Delegation wishes to point out now is the fact that in the world today, there are actually two lines of development, both of which have a direct bearing on the question of self-determination. On the one hand, we have seen new nations born. We have now in Asia new independent countries such as the Philippines, India, Pakistan, Ceylon, Burma, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam and the Federation of Malaya. In Africa, we have now new independent countries like Tunisia, Morocco, Libya, Sudan and Ghana. This, as we can see, is a line of development along the principles embodied in the Charter. On the other hand, we have another line of develop­ment, and that is the establishment of communist regimes in Czechoslovakia, Poland, Albania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania, Lat­via, Estonia, Lithuania and Outer Mongolia. This, as we all know, is another line of de­velopment going in the direction against the Charter. While the Charter promotes the principle of self-determination of peoples, the peoples in these countries are being ruled by regimes imposed upon by a foreign power. When the peoples want a government of their own choice, they are suppressed by foreign troops. In the traditional colonies, we find plebiscite freely and' impartially conducted, such as the one held in the British Togoland which now forms a part of independent Ghana. In the new forms of colonies we find deportation and massacre such as the 9 million Germans in the Federal Republic of Germany deported from the various commu­nist regimes and the 2 million Sudeten Ger­mans deported to Germany by Czechoslovakia. Mr. Chairman, these are the two lines of development, both of which are the direct concern of the United Nations. It will be purely academic if we sit here talking about the principle of self-determination and lose sight of the peoples who are at this moment struggling for freedom and independence and yet being deported to foreign lands or being oppressed by foreign troops.

Now, Mr. Chairman, I shall say a few words on the question, of sovereignty over the natural wealth and resources. China, being an under-developed country and rich in natural resources, has certainly been most jealous of its sovereignty over her resources. At the same time, we learn by reason and experience that nationalization does not and should not mean national isolation, and that sovereignty should not stand in the way of international co-operation. In fact the con­cept of sovereignty was never an issue, because it was recognized both by the met­ropolitan powers and by countries which had in recent years achieved political indepen­dence. Therefore, the only question is how to maintain and promote international co-operation based on the principles of equality and justice for the benefit of all concerned. In doing so, due regard should of course be given to the rights and duties of states under international law and to the importance and necessity of the economic development of the under-developed countries.

I shall now turn to the question of mak­ing studies of the principle of self-deter­mination. It has been suggested that a study should be made of the principle of self-de­termination, its meaning and scope, before concrete actions can be taken by the United Nations. To this suggestion, my Delegation has a mixed reaction. On the one hand, we see the merits of making a thorough study of the question in all its aspects, believing that the question of self-determination will have to be with us for some time, and it is advi­sable to have a clear and sound basis for future action. But on the other hand, we believe that the question of self-determination has become more and more urgent and there are so many prima faci cases which call for immediate action by the United Nations. For that reason, my Delegation would have no objection to the idea of making studies, provided that the contemplated study would be considered as only one line of action among other actions and that the study should include the examination of the true aspirations of the peoples in those countries which since the end of World War II have been dominated by communist imperialism.

Another suggestion made in promoting the right of self-determination is the revision and expansion of resolution 75 (V) of the Economic and Social Council which deals with the communications concerning alleged violations of human rights. This resolution as we all know was adopted in August 1947, and throughout the recent years, the procedure of compiling confidential lists of commu­nications has proved to be totally inffective to combat violations of human rights. The Commission on Human Rights had admitted that "it has no power to take any action in regard to any complaints concerning human rights." In this regard, my Delegation wishes to point out that resolution 75 (V) deals with individual rights and the Commission has neither the competence nor the time required to examine the numerous cases. On the other hand, the right to self-determination is a collective right and violation of such a right would affect the destiny of a whole nation and would likely endanger international peace and security. In that sense complaints concerning the right of self-deter­mination become a matter of international concern. Therefore, my Delegation will welcome any suggestion which would widen the scope and strengthen the effectiveness of resolution 75 (V) of the Economic and Social Council.

Mr. Chairman, I have just commented on some of the possible measures that can be taken to deal with the question of self­-determination. These measures are long-term in nature and they are not mutually exclusive. They can be carried out all at the same time. However, in view of the urgency of this question as reflected by the recent events, my Delegation has serious doubt as to whether these measures are adequate and effective enough to meet the present situation. In order to strengthen the Charter provisions on the principle of self-determination and to cope with the urgent situation today, my Delegation strongly suggests that a declara­tion of principles is the least we can do during the present session of the General Assembly.

In our view, the Declaration should contain three points: (1) to re-affirm the principle of self-determination as provided in the Charter and in paragraph 1 of article 1 of the draft covenants on human rights, (2) to call upon all countries to refrain from interfering with the peoples of other countries in determining their political status or pursu­ing their economic, social and cultural development, and (3) to declare that any regime imposed upon the people by a foreign power will not be recognized by the United Nations and its Members.

Mr. Chairman, my Delegation believes that a Declaration by the United Nations along these lines will be extremely useful and effective, both in protecting the peoples struggling for freedom and independence and in preventing the imperialistic powers from interfering with the domestic movement of these peoples.

In this connection, permit me to quote a relevant part of the communique issued in New Delhi on 14 November 1956 by the Prime Ministers of India, Ceylon, Indonesia and Burma:

"The Prime Ministers consider it an inalienable right of every country to shape for itself its own destiny free from all external pressures. They are of the opinion that Soviet forces should be withdrawn from Hungary speedily, and that the Hungarian people should be left free to decide their own future and the form of government they will have without external intervention from any quar­ter."

Here, Mr. Chairman, is a declaration made jointly by the leaders of four Asian countries which only recently achieved political independence. Prior to the issuance of this joint communique, a resolution was passed on 6 November 1956 by the Legislative As­sembly of my country. It condemned the aggression of Soviet Union against Hungary and demanded the immediate withdrawal of Soviet troops from Hungary. At the same time, it asked for international guarantee of Hungary’s independence and freedom.

Mr. Chairman, my Delegation feels strong­ly that the time has come for the United Nations to take practical and effective measures to deal with the urgent problem of self-determination. Thousands of freedom-loving people have died for exercising their right of self-determination and millions of people are living in terror and anger under the Soviet-imposed regimes. These peoples look to the United Nations for concrete action. If the United Nations should live up to its obligations, it should at least give life to the principle which has been in the Charter for the last twelve years. A United Nations Declaration on the Principle of Self­-determination as I have just outlined will at least establish the moral force of public opinion on this question.