Taiwan Today

A Puppet Is Always a Puppet A up despatch from London recently published in the Hongkong Standard stated that Western diplomats in the British capital believed there were signs at the Berlin four power conference that Soviet Russia had accorded the Chinese Communist regime in Peiping supremacy in Asia. Reports which had reached the British Foreign Office and Western embassies there said "there were indications of a recent detente in Sino-Soviet relations which had lessened the rivalry for power in key areas such as Korea, Manchuria and Outer Mongolia. The "sources" from which this information was obtained tried to substantiate their "belief" by pointing to the following "indications" that Peiping's influence in Outer Mongolia had increased as might be seen from the fact that the latter had been allocated a seat for the "All-China People's Congress" to be elected this year; that the Chinese Communists had been taking "basic responsibility" for policy and decision in North Korea during the last few months; that the presence of a Chinese Communist delegation and "informal contacts" in Berlin had all tended to harden the conviction that Moscow and Peiping had reached a definite understanding on "spheres of influence"; that all along the southern borders of the Chinese mainland-in Indonesia. Indo-China, Siam, Burma and the Philippines-the influence of the Chinese Communists was recognized by Soviet Russia as supreme, and Moscow had relegated to Peiping the major role in the "colonial liberation struggle" in the Far East; and that there was no more haggling over the renewal of the annual trade agreement between Moscow and Peiping, as last year's agreement took nearly eight months' negotiation while this year's took only five weeks, The conclusion reached by these "Western diplomats" in London, therefore, was that the Peiping regime "was getting the upper hand in the key areas of Communist Asia." Obviously this conclusion is absolutely unjustifiable and is purely based on distortions of facts and wishful thinking. The allocation of a seat to Outer Mongolia in the so-called "All-China People's Congress" was at best only a device approved by Moscow for giving the Chinese Communists some "face". The Peiping regime has nothing to gain by it and Soviet Russia has nothing to lose since Outer Mongolia still remains "independent" and continues to be a Soviet satellite. With regard to North Korea, there is nothing to prove that Peiping is actually taking "basic responsibility" and that Moscow is not the source of policy and decision. The presence of a Chinese Communist Delegation in Berlin was merely intended for giving the impression that Molotov was really serious in demanding a "Big Five" conference. As to the so-called "colonial liberation struggle" in the Far East, Peiping is playing its present role only at Moscow's behest. And lastly, it is simply ridiculous to say that the negotiation of a trade agreement must always take many months. Anyone who knows anything about Soviet Russia's ambitions ought to realize that she will never voluntarily give up her domination of Asia. A puppet is always a puppet. Before the Peiping regime is overthrown by the Chinese people, it will have to continue to take orders from Moscow. Molotov's Plan for European Security On February 10 the Soviet Foreign Minister V. M. Molotov proposed at the Big Four conference in Berlin that a general treaty be concluded for ensuring collective security in Europe. Molotov's proposals were made in two documents. The first document was an 11-point proposal for a Soviet-dominated "European Treaty Organization." The second was a proposal for the withdrawal of all but very limited Big Four occupation forces from Germany within six months after the ratification of the treaty by the signatory nations. The 11 points pro­ posed by Molotov in the first document include the following features: the treaty is to be open to all European states "without regard to their social systems"; treaty members undertake not to enter any coalition or alliance or conclude any agreement contradicting the purpose of this treaty; the United States and the Chinese Communist regime in Peiping are to be invited to end "observers" to the treaty bodies-a Permanent Political Committee and a Permanent Military Consultative Body; "pending the establishment of a united, pacific and democratic German state," both East and West Germany are to be "parties to the treaty, enjoying equal rights"; the treaty is to be in force for 50 years. This Soviet plan for European security had no longer been proposed by Molotov than it was rejected by the Foreign Ministers of the three Western powers. To the United States, Great Britain and France, and for that matter to all other non-Communist nations in Europe, Molotov's plan was absolutely unacceptable. Obviously the acceptance of the Soviet plan would be disastrous for the Western Democracies in many ways. First, it would mean the scrap­ping of the NATO and EDC treaties, which constitute Western Europe's main bulwark against Soviet aggression. Second, it would eliminate American influence from the European continent. Third, it would leave unarmed West Germany open to attack by the Soviet-backed "police" of East Germany. Fourth, since Molotov's proposals did not mention Great Britain, it may be assumed that Moscow intends to exclude that country from the planned general European treaty. The conclusion of such a treaty, of course, would place the European nations entirely at the mercy of Soviet Russia and it is inconceivable that the Western Democracies would ever be so foolish as to let themselves fall into the Soviet trap. The NATO and EDC treaties should never be scrapped so long as Soviet Russia maintains her present aggressive war machine. The United States, who has twice helped the European peoples to preserve their freedom, will never consent to withdraw from Europe since peace is indivisible. And Great Britain, whose fate is intimately bound up with that of the rest of Europe, will never willingly give up her voice in the affairs of the Continent. Molotov's plan, however, has served one useful purpose: it is fresh warning to the democracies that Soviet Russia can never be trusted and that they must continue their vigilance and seek a further strengthening of their defenses.