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Documents: THE PRESIDENTS MESSAGE - Double Tenth, 1952 / Events Leading to the Decision of the Chinese Government to Withdraw from the Eighteenth International Red Cross Conference

October 01, 1952

THE PRESIDENTS MESSAGE - Double Tenth, 1952

Fellow Countrymen:

Today is the 41th anniversary of the founding of the Republic of China. While we are celebrating our National Day here in this anti-Communist bastion of Taiwan, our thoughts naturally turn to our distressed compatriots on the mainland. Under the Communist reign of terror, massacre, starvation and enslavement, they have not seen the National Flag with the White Sun in the Blue Sky, nor have they heard the National Anthem glorifying the Three People's Principles. They look with expectancy to the day when our national army will come to their rescue by launching a counterattack. In order not to fail them, the civil population and armed forces in Free China must not for one moment forget the urgent expectancy of our fellow citizens on the mainland for their early liberation.

A word of consolation and encouragement should also be sent to our compatriots now taking refuge in various parts of the world. In defiance of oppression and in pursuit of liberty, they have, at the risk of their lives, fled the Communist-occupied areas. Their determination to live abroad against heavy odds has demonstrated the indomitable will of the nation, and will morally contribute to the success of our national restoration and reconstruction.

In regard to our overseas compatriots, their sad and bitter sentiments have my profound sympathy. With their home districts relentlessly ravaged and family members cruelly humiliated by Communist traitors, they celebrate their National Day today not only with solemn rites but also with a pledge to light the torch of recovery. They have contributed much to our struggle against Communist and the Soviet imperialism.

Further, the efforts of both the military and the civilian in Free China merit our high commendation. Through their solidarity and ceaseless effort, we have made Taiwan the base of national rehabilitation and have brought together our compatriots on the mainland and abroad to fight for the same cause. We are on our feet again.

When Dr. Sun Yat-sen founded the Republic of China, the only end that he had in view was the establishment of a nation based on the Three People's Principles and a government based on the Five-Power Constitution. Unfortunately, he passed away before his wishes were fully implemented. Dedicating myself to the cause of revolution, I have devoted myself to the realization of Dr. Sun's will. For more than twenty years, I have conducted one military campaign after another, fighting in succession against the northern warlords, the Japanese invaders and the Chinese Communists. I regard it my duty to carry out Dr. Sun's will so that a nation based on the Three People's Principles and a government based on the Five-Power Constitution may be established. The victorious conclusion of our war against Japan, however, saw the all-out rebellion of the Chinese Communists headed by Mao Tze-tung and Chu Teh who are really Soviet Russia's fifth columnists and act under Russian orders. The work of the revolution and national reconstruction has thus suffered lamentable setbacks. Not only has the China mainland been thrown behind the Iron Curtain, but also our people of four hundred million have been enslaved by a foreign culture. The life of the nation stands perilously near the verge of extinction. It is for this reason that, while celebrating our National Day today, I cannot but express deep regrets to my country and my people and my compunction to the Father of the Republic and all revolutionary martyrs.

For the last three years, Communist traitors Mao Tze-tung and Chu Teh have carried out at an accelerated pace the prearranged plan of the Soviet imperialists to sell our country. According to this plan, a Soviet satellite must pass through the stage of the "People's Democratic Dictatorship" before it can emerge from the stage of "New Democracy" to become an integral part of the Soviet Empire. I wish to point out to my compatriots at home and abroad one other outstanding fact. When Soviet Russia's puppet Mao Tze-tung made his pilgrimage to Moscow early in 1950, it marked the inception of the stage of the "People's Democratic Dictatorship." When Traitor Chou En-lai again visited Moscow last August, it was the termination of that stage and the beginning of the sovietization of the China mainland. The Communist's entry into the Korean war during this period was in fact a further step to hand over the mainland under the "People's Democratic Dictatorship" to the Soviet Empire. To put it more specifically, while in Moscow, Mao Tze-tung signed a pile of documents, but only two of them were made public. One is the so-called "Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Assistance," which is actually a military pact between Soviet Russia and the Chinese Communists with the United States and Japan as the postulated enemies. The other is an agreement on Russia's extension of a US$300,000,000 loan to the Chinese Communists. Nominally, the treaty and the agreement were concluded by negotiations. The real relationship between Peiping and Moscow, that of a master and a slave, was not immediately disclosed. However, when the Kremlin started the Korean war in June, 1950, the Chinese Communists under Mao Tze-tung and Chu Teh began to mass their armed forces and after less than six months, joined the battle and started to fight a protracted war for the Soviet imperialists.

Furthermore, during the past two years, the Chinese Communists have resorted to terrorism, massacre, deception and exploitation in every form. In rural districts they have accelerated the process of organizing the so-called "collective farms" to turn the farmers into serfs. In towns and cities they started the "Three-Anti-Movement" and the "Five-Anti-Movement" to extract the last remaining drop of blood from commerce and industry. Those who have outlived the massacre have been forced to become slave laborers to fit in Soviet Russia's plan of the sovietization of the China mainland. This having been done, Chou En-lai and his group, in the capacity of leaders of serfs and slave laborers, went as pilgrims to Moscow, the "Holy City" of the Communists. The master-and-slave relationship that has really existed between Peiping and Moscow was then fully revealed. However, Russia's desire knows no limits and her demands will not be easily satisfied. As an outcome of Chou En-lai's pilgrimage, all the strategic resources on the China mainland were put into the hands of the so-called "Sino-Russian Joint Corporation," which is in reality an instrument of Soviet imperialists. In the end, all the territory, resources and the population on the mainland will be sovietized and become an integral part of the new Soviet Empire.

What has Chou En-lai got then? According to what has been disclosed in their "communiques" and "exchange of notes," the Changchun Railway will be "returned" through arrangements to be made by a "committee" in which Soviet Russians participate. Of course it was not necessary, neither was it possible, to set down the terms as well as the procedures for the retrocession because Russia is going to keep the Changchun Railway anyway, and its retrocession is nothing but the transfer of the object from the left hand to the right. The fact that Chou En-lai begged that Russian troops should remain forever in Port Arthur tends to show further that Russia's promise to return the Changchun Railway was just lip service. For, should Russia return it unconditionally, it would be impossible for her to continue stationing her armed forces in that port.

In short, the philosophy of the Communists is "What is yours is mine and what is mine is also mine." Should we be able, to understand this formula and apply it to the return of the Changchun Railway to the Chinese Communists by Soviet Russia, we can readily see that what belongs to the Russian Communists is theirs and what belongs to the Chinese Communists is also theirs. What is more, the Communists of the world belong to one and the same family. Is there still any doubt as to the nature of "what is returned by the Communists to the Communists"? Under such circumstances, to study whether the return of the Changchun Railway is true or false would be certainly regarded by the Communists as wasted energy. Sixty years ago, when Czarist Russia constructed the Siberia Railway and its branch Changchun Railway, her foreign minister Witte, in his petition to Alexander III, had the following to say: "This railway will provide a strong base for Russian navy which from now on will be in a position to control all international routes of navigation on the Pacific." The reason why Soviet Russia now wishes to have full control of our Northeast provinces first is simply to make it the base to encroach upon the Pacific, and with this base, to realize as an interim step in world revolution the ambition of Russian Czars "to convert the Pacific into a domestic lake of Russia." Thus it can be seen that the fall of the China mainland during the past three years is by no means the end of the China problem. On the contrary, it is to all intents and purposes the starting point of the Pacific problem. By the same token, it can also be seen that our anti-Communist and anti-Russian war for national recovery and reconstruction is not merely the struggle for our national independence and freedom but also for the peace and security of Asia and the Pacific. It is, therefore, clear that the success and failure of this war has a decisive influence upon the security of the Far East and, therefore, of the world.

At a time when our nation is being betrayed by Mao and Chu, the political rights and the livelihood of our people are being thoroughly destroyed, the very lives of our people are at stake when they are being compelled to serve as slaves of Soviet Russia, how about the reconstruction in Taiwan Province based upon the Three People's Principles? We are not merely to make Taiwan a strong base for the counteroffensive but also a model province to serve as the pattern for administration and national reconstruction once the counteroffensive is successfully carried out. We feel that the reconstruction made here has not quite measured up to our ideal. But we can say for certain that here in Taiwan we have begun to put the Three People's Principles into practice. So far as nationalism is concerned, suffice it to say that the high morale of the armed forces and the ardent zeal with which the youths receive their military training have reached a pitch unprecedented since the founding of the Republic of China. Since the enforcement of the local self-government and the popular election of various strata of people's councils, hsien magistrates and city mayors, democracy in Taiwan is making unremitting efforts in heeding the trends of public opinion and in the protection of the political rights of the people. As to the people's livelihood, the total production index of the current year has attained the highest record reached since World War II. The production of such staples as foodstuff, salt and coal have even exceeded the highest record of all times. Especially with regard to the equitable distribution of land, the reduction of land rent to the maximum rate of 37.5 per cent and the sale of public land is closely followed by the enforcement of the policy of the limitation of land ownership. We are convinced that the aim of ownership of land by tillers as advocated by Dr. Sun Yat-sen will be realized. I only wish to point out here to my fellow countrymen one essential point: by comparing the havoc wrought by the Communists on the mainland to the reconstruction achieved in Taiwan, we shall find out the obvious truth. The national revolution aims at delivering the people from the tyrannical rule of imperialists and ushering them to the road of democracy with the result that "popular sovereignty" may be realized and everyone of our people may become an independent and, free citizen of the country. Now we have come to the constitutional stage. On the other hand, Mao and Chu, in as short a period as three years, have made what were once an independent and free people the slaves of a foreign race and compelled them to serve as cannon fodder of Soviet imperialism in an aggressive war. By saying so, it does not mean that construction is more difficult than destruction. It simply means that Communism through its puppet regime and with a sinister design and brutal force rides roughshod over the people. But the popular government based upon the Three People's Principles in Taiwan has made all our people and armed forces cooperate among themselves and everyone of them fulfill his or her responsibility. We are confident that the progress thus made will in a very short time make Taiwan a model province. We sincerely hope our patriotic compatriots both at home and abroad, in this period of national crisis, will unceasely strive for the final goal of full realization of the Three People's Principles.

I will join my patriotic countrymen to make amends for my past errors. Any criticism, so long as it is beneficial to our anti-Communist and anti-Russian struggle and helpful to our national recovery and reconstruction, will be regarded as a guiding principle for me. No matter how dangerous it may be, I shall not refrain from any task. We are confident that all traitors will be extinguished and aggressive wars will fail. Further we are confident that our anti-Communist struggle will triumph and our anti-Russian struggle will succeed. When that time comes, I myself shall fulfill my life-long ambition to complete the last wishes of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Then, my intention to build a country based upon the Three People's Principles and a government of Five-Power constitution will have come to be a fact. Only then can we be worthy of Dr. Sun Yat-sen and our revolutionary martyrs. Only then would the commemoration of our National Day be meaningful.

Let us raise our arms and shout:

Long Live the Republic of China!

Long Live the Three People's Principles!
 

Events Leading to the Decision of the Chinese Government to Withdraw from the Eighteenth International Red Cross Conference

On May 21, 1952, the Government of the Republic of China received an invitation from the Chairmen of the Central Council and of the National Executive Committee of the Canadian Red Cross Society, asking it to participate in the Eighteenth International Red Cross Conference to be held at Toronto, Canada, from July 26 to August 7, 1952. They asked to be informed of the size and likely composition of the Chinese delegation for transmission to the organizing authorities of the Conference.

After due consultation among the various authorities concerned, it was provisionally agreed that Dr. J. Heng Liu, adviser of the Ministry of the Interior and President of the Red Cross Society, be appointed delegate of the Chinese Government to participate in the Conference with a view to keeping close cooperation with the International Red Cross authorities. The case was submitted to the Executive Yuan for approval and Dr. J. Heng Liu was accordingly informed.

On June 18, Dr. Liu, who was then in Geneva, reported the following points:

(1) He had been invited as the president of the Chinese National Red Cross Society to participate in the Conference as an observer, but that the so-called "Red Cross Society" in Peiping had been invited as a voting member. Accordingly, he had wired a protest to the International Committee of the Red Cross (hereinafter referred to as ICRC) as President of the National Red Cross Society of China.

(2) He learned from the quarters concerned in the United States that the puppet regime in Peiping was among the governments invited to participate in the Conference as a voting member.

(3) He was also informed that the said regime had appointed six delegates, and the so-called "Red Cross Society" in Peiping five delegates, including Li Teh-Chuan, and that the Communists would engage in propaganda accusing the United Nations Command in Korea of using "bacteriological warfare".

(4) Both the government of the United States and the American Red Cross Society hoped that we would participate in the Conference.

In the meantime, reports from Ottawa established the following points:

1. All matters concerning the organization of the Conference were decided six months ago by the Standing Commission of the International Red Cross Conference (hereinafter referred to as IRCC). Since the Conference was to be held in Toronto, invitations were sent, on behalf of the Standing Commission, by the Canadian Red Cross Society in the capacity of host Society. The invitation to the puppet regime in Peiping was forwarded by the Foreign Office of Great Britain through her diplomatic representative in Peiping.

2. The Chinese National Red Cross Society was represented in the Seventeenth International Red Cross Conference in 1948 by its then secretary-general Hu Lan-sun, and since he is now in Peiping, he has been keeping in constant contact with the International Red Cross authorities in the name of the National Red Cross Society of China. That was why the "Red Cross Society" in Peiping was still considered a member of the international Red Cross organization.

3. Following the evacuation of the Chinese Government to Taiwan, our Red Cross Society had neither denounced the so-called "Red Cross Society" in Peiping nor applied to the International Red Cross authorities for recognition as the only legal National Red Cross organization of China. That accounted for Dr. Liu's being invited as an observer to the Conference.

4. As regards the application of our Red Cross Society for recognition as a member of the International Red Cross organizations, Mr. Jean Duchosal, the secretary-general of the ICRC had been contacted. He said it would take three to six months to complete all the necessary formalities.

5. Li Teh-chuan, together with some others, had been appointed to represent the so-called '''Red Cross Society" in Peiping. It was not known whether the puppet regime in Peiping would send delegates. In the event that the Foreign Office of the United Kingdom forwarded their application for Canadian entry visa, the Canadian Government would have to grant it. It was remarked that both the belligerents in the Spanish civil war were invited to participate in IRCC in 1936, and that this time East and West Germany as well as North and South Korea had been simultaneously invited.

In view of the unfavorable situation, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs instructed Chinese diplomatic missions abroad to approach the governments and the Red Cross Societies of signatory countries of the Geneva Conventions, to explain to them that the Republic of China, having long been a signatory to the Geneva Conventions, can be represented in IRCC only by the Government of the Republic of China which, being recognized by the United Nations and the majority of the nations of the world, is the only legal government of China and which represents China in all international organizations and Conferences; that she should not be represented by the puppet regime in Peiping which had violated all the principles on which the Red Cross was based; and that since the Chinese National Red Cross Society with headquarters in Taipei was the only legal national Red Cross organization of China, it should be given full voting privileges in the Conference; to request the governments and the Red Cross Societies concerned to (1) send a telegram to the Standing Commission of IRCC asking for the withdrawal of the invitations to the puppet regime in Peiping and to the so-called "Red Cross Society" in Peiping, and for the amendment of the invitation to our Red Cross Society so that it might participate in the Conference as a full member, and (2) give their support to the Chinese National Government by voting in the Conference for the expulsion of the delegates of the puppet regime in Peiping and its "Red Cross Society".

On July 4, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, George K. C. Yeh, sent a telegram to the Standing Commission of IRCC and the President of ICRC, Mr. Paul Ruegger, formally and strongly protesting against the illegal and arbitrary decision of inviting the puppet regime and the so-called "Red Cross Society" in Peiping to participate in the Conference and of according to our Red Cross Society consultative status.

Furthermore, millions of overseas Chinese were indignant at such an injustice done to us. Protests by wire and mail swarmed the international Red Cross authorities from all parts of the world - Thailand, Chile, Columbia, Venezuela, Cuba, Peru, Mexico, Brazil, the Philippines, Japan, the United States of America, Panama, Canada, and Indo-China.

On July 10, Mr. T. W. Sloper, Executive Member of the Standing Commission of IRCC, upon the request of Mr. Andre Francois Ponset, Chairman of the Commission, sent a telegram to the Minister of Foreign Affairs in reply to the latter's protest on July 4:

"International Red Cross remaining foreign to any political considerations and basing its action on purely humanitarian principles, invitations to international conference have been issued on following basis:

In spirit of the statutes of the International Red Cross, all governments exercising authority over any territory where Geneva convention is applicable are automatically members of the International Red Cross Conference.

Red Cross organization in Formosa is invited to the Conference as exercising in fact a Red Cross activity in Formosa; invitation has been issued in consultative capacity since its activities do not cover the Chinese territory as provided for in the conditions of recognition of national Red Cross societies".

On July 15, news reached here that the puppet regime in Peiping had recognized several international Red Cross conventions and protocol and that Chou En-lai of the said regime had issued on June 30 two statements thereon, the first of which reads as follows:

"The Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China has examined the Protocol for the Prohibition of Use of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or other Gases and of Bacteriological Warfare concluded June 17, 1925, and acceded to in the name of China August 7, 1929.

"The Central People's Government considers that the said protocol is conducive to the strengthening of international peace and security and in conformity with the humanitarian principles and therefore has decided to recognize the accession of the protocol. The General People's Government shall undertake to implement strictly the provisions of the protocol provided all other contracting and acceded powers observe them reciprocally".

Chou's second statement said the same thing about a series of other conventions - the Convention for Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and the Sick in Armed Forces, in Shipwrecks at Sea, the Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War and the Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War. All were signed in Geneva August 12, 1949.

In denunciation of Chou En-lai's statements, Mr. George K. C. Yeh, Minister of Foreign Affairs, issued the following statement on July 17:

"The Geneva Conventions for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Field, the Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, and the Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded, Sick and Shipwrecked Members of Armed Forces at Sea adopted by the Diplomatic Conference at Geneva in August, 1949 were all signed on December 10, 1949 on behalf of China by Mr. Wu Nan-ju, Chinese Plenipotentiary duly appointed by the Government of the Republic of China. The puppet Communist regime in Peiping has no right whatever to accede to the Conventions in the name of China.

"China also signed the Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases and of Bacteriological Warfare on September 20, 1926 and ratified it on March 26, 1927. It is equally ridiculous for the same puppet regime to claim accession to the said Protocol in the name of China".

On July 8, Ambassador Liu Chieh at Ottawa, under Government instruction, delivered a note to the Canadian Foreign Office as a formal reply to the invitation of the Canadian Red Cross Society. It reads as follows:

"… the Chinese Government appreciates the invitation of the Canadian Red Cross Society and will be pleased to participate in the above mentioned Conference. It is learned, however, that a similar invitation has been extended to the Chinese communist puppet regime and the so-called Red Cross Society in Peiping. In the event that representatives of the Chinese Communists are admitted to the Conference the Chinese Government would find its participation incompatible with the situation thus created and would have to reconsider its position in relation to the Conference". At this stage, the situation may be summarized as follows:

1. Contact had been constantly kept with Canadian circles and our standpoint had been reiterated. The legality of the status of our government in the Red Cross world had in on way been doubted on the part of Canada. This can be seen from the fact that in the invitation to the puppet regime in Peiping, the expression "with the acknowledgement and approval of the Canadian government", which appeared in all the invitations to the other governments, was omitted by the Canadian Red Cross Society in deference to the advice of the Canadian Foreign Office. But they were of the opinion that since the Canadian Government forwarded the invitations to the governments that have diplomatic relations with Canada only in the capacity of the host government of the Conference, it was not in a position to interfere with the decision of the International Red Cross authorities.

2. In 1950 the so-called "Red Cross Society" in Peiping did participate in the meetings of the League of Red Cross Societies, was elected a member of the Executive Committee of the League and was represented, at the end of 1951, by Li Teh-chuan in the meetings of the Executive Committee. Its position in the International Red Cross organizations was therefore secure.

3. Application for membership in the International Red Cross organizations should be submitted to ICRC which was supposed to be non-political and entirely neutral. If the Red Cross Society of the Republic of China, according to the Canadian Red Cross authorities, applied for membership, ICRC would surely give it its favorable consideration; but it would take some time to complete all the necessary formalities and there was obviously not enough time to do that before the opening of the conference. If the Red Cross Society of the Republic of China could prove its existence and the carrying out of its regular work, the conference might accord to it voting status, though not without technical difficulties.

4. The Red Cross Society of the United States intimated that since the International Red Cross authorities attached great importance to universality, it was very difficult to cause the invitations to the puppet regime in Peiping and its "Red Cross Society" to be withdrawn. The Red Cross Society of the United States would, in the meeting of the Standing Commission which was to be held before the Conference, support the Red Cross Society of the Republic of China in its efforts to raise its status as full member in the Conference, but regardless, of the result of such efforts, the Government and the Red Cross Society of the Republic of China should send delegates to sit in the conference or the Chinese Communists would be the only delegates representing China.

The Conference opened on July 26. There was strong indication that the Conference would not expel the Chinese Communists nor raise the status of our Red Cross Society to full voting capacity.

The delegates of the governments of the United States and Canada repeatedly expressed their hope that we would not withdraw regardless of whatever decision might be made by the Conference on our representation, in view of the non-political nature of the Red Cross. Considering that our withdrawal from the Conference would leave the door entirely open for the Chinese Communists and give the impression that we were expelled by the Communists, and that it would be better to keep our voice in the Conference, opinion was divided on the advantages and disadvantages of our withdrawal. But in order to stick to our firm stand of maintaining our sole legal right to represent China in the Conference, and in view of the recent tendency on the part of international authorities to admit both our government and the puppet regime in Peiping into non-political international organizations, to sit in the same Conference as this with the puppet regime would constitute an undesirable precedent and entail a very bad influence on our sole legal right of representation in many non-political specialized agencies of the United Nations and, if such a tendency gains force, in other organizations of the United Nations or even in the United Nations itself. Therefore, it was finally decided that our Delegation should withdraw if our efforts did not achieve the desired effect.

On July 28, in the second plenum of the Conference, the Communists' sinister plot of unseating us was rejected by 58 votes to 25; but the Conference also approved the decision by the Standing Commission that the status of all the authorities invited should not be changed. Hence our Delegation, under strict Government instruction, sent the Chairman of the Conference a letter reiterating our standpoint and asking him to circulate it, and voluntarily withdrew. The next day, our Delegation held a press conference and left Canada immediately thereafter. The delegates of the United States and Canada all expressed their regret at our withdrawal, but quite understood our position. The letter of our delegation addressed to the Chairman of the Conference was published in these columns in the September issue of The Free China Review.

On August 1, Mr. John A. Macaulay, Chairman of the Conference, sent a telegram to Mr. George K. C. Yeh, Minister for Foreign Affairs, dated July 30, expressing the unanimous wish of the Conference that the Delegation of the Republic of China should continue to take part in the work of the Conference. It reads as follows:

"The Bureau of the 18th International Red Cross Conference has received this morning a letter from Dr. J. Heng Liu, Head of the Delegation of the Chinese Republic, stating that, owing to the presence of the Delegation of the Chinese People's Republic and the fact that political opinions had been expressed during the first days of the Conference, your Government had decided that the Chinese Republic's Delegation was to leave the Conference and withdraw. For the sake of this unique humanitarian movement, that is to say, the Red Cross, may we request the Government of the Chinese Republic to reconsider its decision. The very aims of the Red Cross are to bring together all those who are called to alleviate the fate of those suffering from war. Red Cross International Conferences are convened to seek better means for helping sufferers, be it in time of war, civil strife or disaster. The Bureau of this Conference, conscious of its duties towards the Red Cross, urges you to help the Red Cross to remain universal without any other consideration than contributing to briny relief to victims of conflicts or disasters. To achieve this aim, the Red Cross Conference must count upon the presence of all conflicting parties, as such conflicting parties are the very ones whose presence is necessary to help in case of emergency. Appealing to your humanitarian and Red Cross spirit, the Bureau of the 18th International Red Cross Conference begs you to reconsider your decision and to decide that your Delegation should take part in the work of this conference. This is the unanimous wish of the Conference."

Mr. Yeh replied on August 2 by telegram which reads:

"I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your telegram apprising me of the unanimous wish of the Conference that the Delegation of the Republic of China should continue to take part in its work.

"In reply, I have the honor to state that the decision of my Government to withdraw from the Conference was not taken without full consideration and regret. My Government fully appreciates the importance of the work of the International Red Cross and has, for many years, wholeheartedly identified itself with its many activities. Be that as it may, it is the opinion of my Government that the decision to admit the so-called representatives of the Peiping Communist puppet regime to the Conference is one to which it cannot subscribe. It cannot furthermore allow its representatives to sit at the same table with the so-called representatives of the puppet regime which, entirely foreign to the Chinese people, has trampled on the very humanitarian principles cherished by the International Red Cross by having massacred millions of innocent people on the Chinese Mainland and whose intention it is now to turn the Conference into a forum for the Communist propaganda.

"Meanwhile, I wish to assure you that my Government will continue to fulfill its obligations under the Geneva Conventions to which China is a party and identify itself with the work of the International Red Cross".

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