Taiwan Today

How were those invested with executive powers appointed in the past? Who empowered them? What rules or requirements guided the assignments? Who were eligible to the high offices? To find the answers to these significant questions, it is well to review the history and the close interplay of the Chinese examination system and the selection and delegation of officials. The source of our examination system was very ancient and its history is long. As early as some 23 centuries B.C., a method to seek the competent was already roughly in existence, as recorded in the Book of Yu (虞書) which says that "to memorialize the throne (one must be able to make) appropriate statements;" and in Li Yuen (禮運) which urges the Government to "choose only the virtuous and the talented (for governing duties)." While hereditary feudalism was the order, there was no problem as to who should govern and direct, as offices were transmitted from father to son. Not until some twenty centuries later, during the eras of Chin (秦) and Han (漢) when feudalism had been overthrown, that the need for a way to find qualified personnel to man the different administrative branches of the government became imperative. According to old regulations, any office holder with a yearly income of over 2,000 piculs of rice (the unit for computing salary and position) could, upon request, send their sons and kids to the imperial court to join exclusive group known as "the royal guards (侍衛)." They served the Emperor in no definite capacity. Whenever a vacancy should occur, or a particular talent was in demand, the Government would choose and pick a certain individual from the "guards" to fill the need. The of­ficial career became consequently dominated entirely by the aristocratic and bureaucratic influence. When Emperor Wu of Han Dynasty ascended the throne in 140 B.C., he saw much abuse in this monopolistic system of selecting incumbents from one or two privileged classes, for not all the members of "the royal guards" were learned or qualified. The monarch endeavored to find a better and more practical way of gleaning the gifted and the able for administrative duties. He was instrumental in creating an examination system that was fair and feasible and, seemed to answer the current needs and, above all, to remove much unfairness. Already in existence was a single central institution of learning (太學), the equivalent of the present-day national college. The graduates of the academy were divided into two grades or "ko" (科 degrees). Those of the first degree (甲科) were entitled "lang" (郎) and of the second degree (乙科) "Ii" (吏) These educated men became, upon completion of their studies, potential candidates for government posts. "Lang" graduates immediately joined the "guards" (侍衛) under royal emoluments on merits of learning and capability and not necessarily on account of their noble or influential heritage. As the holders of the first degree increased, they overshadowed, and later crowded out, those who came by requests. This influx of intellectuals gradually changed the character of the "guards." The predominant influence of the aristocratic and bureaucratic groups was broken. There were definite regulations regarding the selection and appointment of officials. Pre­fectural and district magistrates had to be government appointees while lesser officers might be native sons. These local aspirants were the second-degree "Ii" who, upon graduating from the national academy, must return, and serve for a period in their home districts. There was, however, a catch in this otherwise sound and reasonable rule: the engagement of lesser officers was entirely in the hands of he senior members-those assigned by the central government. For instance, all heads of "yamen" (衙門, magistrate's office) employed men of their own choice, singled out from among the rank of second-degree graduates. The upright and the hones sanctioned and employed men of moral excellence and erudition. The unscrupulous and t he dishonest chose only those who could offer them the greatest personal benefits and support. Slowly an imperceptible play goodwill and mutual help between con rolling members became evident: if you used my men, I would engage yours! The backbone of the Han (漢) selection system of future functionaries was "Ii" (里 a neighborhood of so many families), "hsuen" (選 election) and hsiang (鄉 district), "chu" (舉 recommendation). Each "neighborhood" would elect from among themselves one individual whom they regarded as worthy of representing them and capable of administrating to their needs. These picked men from different "neighborhoods" congregated in the "district office" where senior statesmen would decide and recommend one from among them to the Crown. The selected one was called "hsien"(賢 man of excellent virtues) "liang" (良worthy). There were, however, three ways of scanning for men of superior endowments and at­ tributes for high offices. Whenever a new Emperor ascended the throne, he would issue imperial mandates calling for men of high literary attainment and outstanding ability to help and counsel him in the nation's affairs. Should there be a national disaster, such as famine, flood, drought or plague, the Emperor would want new men to replace those, who, either through negligence or incompetence, were directly or indirectly responsible for so great a calamity and so much suffering to befall his subjects. As these new men were inducted only when exigencies dictated, this form of seeking the worthy-most of whom were recommended to the throne as "hsien­ liang" (賢良)-had no fixed date, and hence may be best described as "irregular drafting" (無定期選舉). Should the government need specialized talents such as diplomatic envoys, military strategists, conservancy experts, or financial specialists, imperial proclamations would be posted throughout the country requesting men of knowledge and experience pertaining to the offices in question. Any individual confident of his own qualifications or adeptness could personally apply for the examination without recommendation or approval from anyone. If an emissary to a foreign nation was needed, the applicant would be tested on his knowledge of foreign language or his aptitude for it, his skill in diplomacy and eloquence, his health or fitness to survive the rigors of long-distance travels and incidental hardships his facility and adaptability to foreign customs and climate, and his natural disposition and rectitude. If he successfully passed all these tests, he would be assigned to the post. This means of seeking qualified personnel to meet specific needs was known as "special selection" (特殊選舉). "Periodic examination"(定期選舉) was a third form of culling from the mass the "hsiao" (孝) and the "lien" (廉incorrupt). Filial piety being the highest of virtues and honesty coupled with austority of living being nobly regarded, the people were encouraged to promote filial sons and men of in­tegrity to governing posts. When the "hsiao-lien" (孝廉) system was first introduced, local officials often ignored the mandates of thought them unimportant. Emperor Han Wu set down strict rules to enforce the practice: 1. When responsible district chiefs could not find a filial son or an upright officer under his jurisdiction to nominate to the throne, they were either remiss in their duties or lacking in discrimination and alertness. In either case, they should be subject to censure and punishment. 2. Sons of officials with incomes over 600 piculs of rice were barred from "Hsiao-lien" elections, thus giving the less exalted and the common citizens a greater chance to participate in the administration. 3. No one over 40 years of age was eligible for "hsiao-lien" unless he possessed exceptional knowledge or skill. 4. The number of "hsiao-lien" to be elected was fixed in proportion to the population. A constituency with 200,000 inhabitants could elect one "hsiao-lien," one with 400,000 people two, and so on in this proportion. Two communities with less than 200,000 inhabitants each could combine to choose one candidate; so could three communities with 100,000 in­ habitants each. Scattered areas inhabited by tridal peoples with a total population of over 200,000 might recommend one candidate. Border regions were to select one representative for every 100,000 souls; two districts with less than 100,000 inhabitants each could combine to pick one member; so could three districts with 50,000 inhabitants each. This ratio system gave emphasis to the outlying provinces, so that more selectees from these remote territories could participate and be represented in the central administration. A higher civilization and a better understanding of the government could thus reach these otherwise isolated groups. What started as a commendable system, soon deteriorated into a meaningless formality. Too many politicians indulged in favoritism and selfish interests. It became increasingly evident that not everyone of the annual accumulation of "hsiao-lien" were men of high moral caliber or intellectual prowess. In the second century A.D., one Tso Hsiung memorialized Emperor Shun: "The 'hsiao-lien' from the various provinces should be outstanding scholars and men of probity. When they are chosen and appointed, they are to govern and lead the people, propagate learning, teach ethics and disseminate commendable practices. Since not all candidates are commensurate to their qualifications, they have to undergo an examination on their scholastic achievement and practical experience to determine their trustworthiness and sufficiency. Only by knowing their true adequacy can the Crown be assured of their ability to strengthen and improve the officialdom." On receiving Tso's memorial, the Emperor gave instructions to hold an examination to the selected "hsiao-lien" at the Court to distinguish the deserving from the worthless. Since then, local offitials seeking candidates for "hsiao­ lien" dared not treat the matter lightly; and fear of censure and punishment made the nominations a serious yearly event. When the chosen members assembled before the Crown, the government brought forth urgent problems relevant to the different departments for them to solve and present their views. This was the "tse" (策 a bundle of bamboo slips upon which questions were writ­ ten or carved) "wen" (問questions). When all answers were expounded and heard, the Crown selected those who gave the most lucid expositions and the most practicable suggestions regarding the problems involved. They were then, appointed to positions where they could best give scope to their knowledge and learning. The prospect of "Hsiao-lien," now joining the rank of "langs" (郎), was not as bright as "hsien-liang" (賢良). Nevertheless, when these literati welled and overflowed the government reserves, the first two means of selecting official candidates - "irregular drafting" and "special selection" - disappeared, leaving "Hsiao- lien" (孝廉) the only road to officialdom. The term "hsiao-lien" became simply a qualification for a government career and the original meaning of "filial son" and "virtuous officer" at first indicating two separate persons but later blending in a single individual-was lost. The Han system had the virtue of giving to men of ability an academy education, practical administrative experience either in the central government (for first-degree graduates) or in, local districts (for second-degree members), a chance to be elected "hsiao-lien," and finally the test of competency by a Crown examination. Similarily, a young graduate was sent to his native district to serve for a time with the local administration. When he became familiar with the activities of the provincial executive and judiciary departments, and was further able to win the approval of his local superiors by merits of honesty, efficiency and soundness of perception and the performance of public duties, he would be eligible for a position in the central government, provided that he proved his worth at a higher test. Only then did he become a full-fledged government administrator. The literati created a "government of scholars." Many prime ministers had risen from their ranks. A review of the Han system of examination and selection and appointment of officials showed that it put too much power in the hands of local officers and not enough in the people, even though the latter did choose the initial candidates. When an individual was finally elected from his district to join the national government, his future would still be at the mercy of senior statesmen who control­ led the appointment. This system was not representative of the people's rights or thoughts. Under the Han system, one must obtain an education before one could be apprenticed to one's local government, previous to an official calling. But in ancient society, books were difficult to come by. Written records were either engraved on bamboo slabs or wooden tablets or handwritten on silk. Paper was just being invented at the beginning of the second century by Tsai Lung of Eastern Han Period out of bark, hemp ends, worn-out cloth, old fishing nets, rags, etc. cooked to a pulp. There was yet no printing. Both wood and bamboo were heavy and inconvenient. Each slab would carry only so many words; a complete book would take a great deal of space and weigh considerably. Silk was even more expensive. To have a book hand-written, one had to travel long distances to find someone sufficiently skillful to do the job. Paper-making and later printing were the noblest and most beneficial inventions ever given to humanity, for they opened the field of learning and knowledge to the masses instead of only to a privileged few. As books before and during the Han period were hard to obtain, it tended to limit the number of the educated. Since books became the only medium to an official profession, a new aristocracy was born. Books and knowledge became a sort of capital. The saying at the time was: "To leave a bushel of gold would not be as profitable a heritage as a set of books." Scholars, the new "lords." monopolized the high and lucrative positions, become rich and powerful. As soon as one reached the status of 2,000 piculs of rice, he was elevated to the station of a prefect or a district magistrate, and would be in a position to influence potential candidates. In a few years' time his proteges and authority would increase. Because the number of selectees were limited, the fortunate few came nearly always from a small group of families who dominated the key posts. An interplay of goodwill, through mutual help and exchange of favors between the dominant families, created a singular friendship that lasted from generation to generation and the descendants of these different families would treat each other like blood relations. This society, neither feudalistic nor capitalistic, yet unequal and unjust, may be best described as academically patrician. Although the offices were not, in any constitutional sense, hereditary, the fact that only those who had hooks and learning could hope to secure them made them appear to be transmissible from parent to offspring. While recognizing the importance of objective selecting and appointing government officials, the Han plan had unwittingly produced a new quasi­hereditary monopolistic bureaucracy.