Taiwan Today

"That man," said Dr. Sun Yat-sen of a young Chinese military cadet in Japan in 1909, "will be the hero of our Revolution; we need just such a man in our revolutionary movement."

The Founding Father of the Republic of China was speaking of Chiang Kai-shek. Then in his early 20s, Chiang had been presented to Dr. Sun as a recruit for the Tung Meng Hui (United League), the forerunner of the Kuomintang. The occasion was a League meeting not so long before Dr. Sun and his followers launched the Revolution of October 10, 1911, that toppled the imperial Manchu regime and established Asia's first republic.

Today, at 78, Chiang Kai-shek is still the "hero of Chinese Revolution", still serving country brilliantly, still relied upon as the leader who will defeat the Communists and bring a united, democratic, peaceful China.

On March 21, 1966, by unanimous vote of the National Assembly, Chiang Kai-shek was re-elected to his fourth six-year term as President of the Republic. He is China's first and only chief of state since the beginning of constitutional rule in 1947. He will begin his new term on May 21, 1966.

In fact, President Chiang was drafted for continued service in the nation's highest office. For months letters and cables had poured into the Presidential Office, the headquarters of the Kuomintang Party, and the editorial offices of newspapers. All conveyed the same message: President Chiang must re­main in office. The writers were individuals and the representatives of organizations throughout the world.

The ruling Kuomintang's Central Committee, at its third plenary meeting on March 9, took only 15 minutes to nominate its Tsung-tsai (Director-General) for re-election to the presidency. As his running mate, the Party chose Premier C. K. Yen.

The Chiang-Yen ticket was unopposed at the election by the National Assembly, China's supreme people's organ, which functions much like the electoral college in the United Sates.

Chiang Kai-shek, also known as Chiang Chung-cheng to his fellow-countrymen, was born October 31, 1887, to a Chikow farm family in the district of Fenghua in Chekiang province. For generations his forbears had been farmers. His grandfather, who was very fond of him, was a farmer who also attained local renown as a scholar. Chiang's father did likewise.

Youthful Leadership

Many stories are told of Chiang's early leadership in the war games so popular among boys. He was always the "commander-in-chief", directing the mimic campaigns with wooden sword and spear.

Schooling began early. He was sent to a tutor in the village before he reached school age. Then he went through the village schools and to the Lungching High School in the city of Fenghua. His father died when he was 8.

Chiang's mother had high hopes for him. Like Dr. Samuel Johnson's mother, "she had too much good sense to be vain of her son, but she knew his value." Although she had wanted him to become a scholar, she accepted his decision to follow the career of a soldier and sent him to Japan to study military science.

Chiang's first contact with the cause which was to become his life work came in 1906. In Tokyo he met Chen Chi-mei, a noted revolutionary leader, and began to par­ticipate in revolutionary activities. In 1909, he was graduated from the Shinbu School (Preparatory Military Academy) in Tokyo. Then he joined the 13th Field Artillery (Takada) Regiment of the Japanese Army as a candidate for cadet at the Japanese Military College.

When the first shots of the Revolution were fired at Wuchang, Chiang couldn't wait longer. He went to Shanghai and was assigned by Chen Chi-mei to direct the assault on Hangchow, the capital of Chekiang province. Heading a shock party of 100 "dare or die" revolutionists armed with hand grenades, he attacked the Governor's Yamen. The city fell without resistance. The spectacular victory established his reputation as a winning com­mander. Since then, Chiang's life has become part of the mainstream of China's history.

In July, 1913, Dr. Sun proclaimed the Second Revolution in an attempt to check Yuan Shih-kai's attempt to restore monarchy. When this revolution failed, Chiang followed Dr. Sun to Japan. The experiences of this period drew Chiang close to his revolutionary mentor.

Then on June 16, 1922, Canton's "Hakka General", Chen Chiung-ming, turned on Dr. Sun. Chiang raced to the side of his friend and leader, who had taken refuge on the gunboat Yung Feng anchored off Wham­poa. Chiang and Dr. Sun stood staunchly to­gether in a 56-day ordeal aboard the Yung Feng, waiting for promised relief that never came. A British warship finally took Dr. Sun and his party to Hongkong. The experience was an agonizing one. But it brought Chiang into an intimate relationship with the Father of the Republic and set the stage for his emer­gence as the principal political heir after the death of Dr. Sun.

Mission to Moscow

In early 1923, Dr. Sun returned to Canton as President. Chiang was with him. There followed the often misunderstood period of the alliance between the Kuomintang and the Communists. Under terms of a joint statement by Dr. Sun and Adolf Joffe, Soviet Russian representative, the Chinese Communists, then few in number, were admitted to the Kuomintang.

In August of that year, Dr. Sun sent Chiang, who was now Chief of Staff at the Commander-in-chief's headquarters, to Mos­cow on a study trip. Dr Sun wanted a first­-hand report on Soviet conditions. In Russia, Chiang conferred with Leon Trotsky and other top Soviet leaders. He stayed four months and on his return prepared a "Don't Trust Russia" report for Dr. Sun.

On June 16, 1924, the famous Wham­poa Military Academy was established in Can­ton to train army leaders for the revolution­ary cause. Dr. Sun named Chiang Kai-shek commandant.

March Northward

The Revolution suffered a staggering blow when Dr. Sun died in Peiping on March 12, 1925. He had gone there to confer with the northern warlords on the possible unifi­cation of China. Dr. Sun did not designate a political successor. His death resulted in the consolidation of power by a quadrumvi­rate of the strongest men in the Kuomintang to carryon the Canton Government. These four were Wang Ching-wei, Liao Chung-kai, Hu Han-min, and Chiang Kai-shek. When it was decided to launch the Northward Expedition to unify the country, Chiang was named Com­mander-in-Chief.

With an army of 50,000 men, including an elite corps of Whampoa Academy grad­uates, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek set out on the historic march August 10, 1926. He first was faced by some 100,000 troops under Wu Pei-fu, the warlord who controlled Central China. In a series of hard-fought battles, Chiang forces successively took the cities of Changsha, Wuchang, Hankow, and Nanking.

The following year, 1927, saw the mar­riage of Chiang to Mayling Soong, the Wel­lesley-educated daughter of the late Charles Soong. It was a union of two strong person­alities dedicated to life-long service to China. Shortly after his marriage, Chiang became a Christian. With the purposefulness that char­acterizes all of his convictions, he found in Christianity a deep inspiration which still per­vades his daily life.

On January 5, 1928, Generalissimo Chiang resumed command of the Northward Expedition. The last phase of the campaign was close to a victorious parade through Northern China. With the fall of Peking to Chiang's forces on July 5, 1928, the Revolution had reached a triumphant climax. The Republic at last was united under a central government in Nanking.

Up to that point, the Generalissimo's position in the government was technically a military one, although he had exercised much influence on political decisions. At the Kuomintang's Third Congress in March, 1929, Chiang was elected head of the Party, succeeding Dr. Sun. He also was Chairman of the National Government.

War With Japan

Two years later, in 1931, the People's Convention met in Nanking to draft a constitution. The country had been functioning under the "Organic Law" promulgated by the Kuomintang Plenary Session in 1928. This Organic Law prescribed a "tutelage" period, while China was preparing for self-govern­ment, during which authority was vested in the ruling Party. It was planned to terminate the one-Party government system with the adoption of a national constitution.

The 1931 People's Convention adopted a Provisional Constitution. It continued most of the arrangements under the Organic Law and provided for termination of the tutelage period in 1935. Unfortunately, in 1935 China was on the brink of the War of Resistance Against Japan, and the time was inopportune for a constitutional convention. The meeting was postponed and finally was held in 1946, after the defeat of Japan.

Establishment of a national government had not ended civil war. Powerful factions remained unwilling to acknowledge Chiang's leadership. Four regional revolts occurred in 1929-30: the Kwangsi and Kuominchun revolts, the revolt of Chang Fa-kuei, and that of Yen Hsi-shan, Feng Yu-hsiang, and Li Tsung-jen. Although Chiang crushed all of them, the cost in lives and resources was high and the Kuomintang program for economic reconstruction was set back.

A new crisis had to be faced in 1931, this time brought on by Japan. With lightning strokes of aggression, the Japanese seized Mukden and other Manchurian key points on September 18, 1931.

Internal divisions continued. Dissidents and rebellious militarists set up a Southern Government in Canton. With the nation im­periled by Japanese aggression, Chiang Kai­-shek was unwilling to subject China to civil war in order to suppress the Canton separatists. For the cause of national unity, he re­signed from the government on December 15, 1931.

Taking advantage of Chiang's absence, the Communists, who had been entrenched in their Kiangsi stronghold, launched a dan­gerous offensive. Fortunately, political sanity returned to Chiang's rivals amid these darkening clouds. On March 6, 1932, less than three months after his resignation, Chiang returned as Chairman of the National Military Coun­cil which automatically made him Command­er-in-Chief of the National Armies.

Reds' 'Long March'

Realizing the threat of the Chinese Communists, who had set up a little Soviet in the hilly regions of Kiangsi under the leader­ship of Chu Teh and Mao Tse-tung, General­issimo Chiang finally launched a suppression campaign in 1934. It resulted in the expulsion of the Communists from that province. Unfortunately, some 100,000 Reds, including their wives and children, escaped from Kiangsi in several detachments, and after their so-called "Long March" through Szechuan and Kansu provinces, they reached the bleak northern part of Shensi where they set up a new Communist enclave. This Shensi stronghold was the nucleus from which the Reds, after many vicissitudes, emerged to usurp power.

Further misfortunes continued to plague the nation in the years that followed. Political rivals of the Generalissimo were not ready to submerge their ambitions for the good of the nation. In 1936 the Sian attempt at coup d'etat placed Chiang's life in jeopardy. The incident was precipitated by Chiang's insistence that the government armies stationed in Shensi wage a more aggressive campaign against the Communists. When Chiang went to Sian in December to confer with the military commanders there, he was made a prisoner. His captors tried to coerce him into signing a humiliating agreement. Chiang re­fused. Madame Chiang flew to her husband's side. In a situation marked by disagreement among his captors, Chiang was permitted to depart without consenting to their demands.

The Sian incident strengthened Chiang's prestige throughout China. His safe return to Nanking touched off an extraordinary period of national rejoicing. It was a precursor of the deep popular affection in which the Generalissimo is now held by the Chinese people.

By-products of the Sian affair were to have extraordinary consequences. Japan had expected to see China torn asunder by civil war in the wake of Chiang's abduction. In­stead, the country closed ranks in national unity. The militarists of Japan advanced their timetable of war. A temporary truce between the National Government and the Communists gave Mao Tse-tung a breathing spell and an opportunity to lick his wounds and expand. An agreement of early 1937 provided that the Reds would end their rebellion and in­corporate their armed forces in the Chinese National Army. Mao and his cohorts did not, of course, keep their part of the accord. They used their new immunity from government suppression to extend areas of control in Northern China.

Eight-Year Conflict

After the Sian incident, the Japanese watched intently for an excuse to start hostilities. They found it on July 7, 1937, at a little village near the Marco Polo Bridge, 15 miles southeast of Peiping. China's War of Resistance Against Japan had begun.

In the eight long years of war against Japan, Chiang Kai-shek gave of himself in unstinting leadership. His strong will sustained the Chinese people through the adversities of a desperate conflict. In the end, miscalculations on the part of the Japanese militarists about Chiang's leadership had much to do with their defeat.

Japan's capitulation came on August 15, 1945. It was a day of high hopes for the nation. The need was for a peace in which the long deferred goals of China could at last be reached. But the preview of a disastrous future was already being given in Manchuria. Russia, which had entered the war five days before Japan's surrender, rushed its armies into Manchuria before the National Govern­ment could move. Behind the Russians came the Chinese Communists, who fanned out over the countryside and set up soviets in all the rural areas. The Russians turned over vast stores of Japanese arms to the Chinese Reds. When the Russians evacuated the Northeastern provinces ten months later, the Chinese Communis's controlled all of Manchuria.

China's problems in the early postwar period were further complicated by the peace policy of the United States. President Truman urged Generalissimo Chiang to negotiate a truce with the Communists and accept them in a coalition government.

Elected President

As in previous crises, Generalissimo Chiang again revealed the quality of his greatness. In the face of mounting adversities, his courage and confidence never flagged. He was a rock of reliance for the Chinese people. On March 29, 1948, he was elected President of the Republic of China by the National Assembly. In the closing days of that year, cla­mor for peace grew stronger. Once more Chiang Kai-shek subordinated his personal convictions for what he hoped would be the Taipei Boy Scouts in a "Support Chiang" parade nation's good. On January 19, 1949, he step­ped down from the presidency and retired to his home in Fenghua. The reins of the government were left in the hands of Acting President Li Tsung-jen.

The disastrous outcome of Li Tsung-jen's peaee negotiations with the Communists brought Chiang back to the struggle only three months later. During the critical days of early 1949, he went to Shanghai, Chungking, Chengtu, Canton, and other beleaguered cities to rally the faltering defenders. Almost single-handedly, he kept resistance alive for several months. Always a superb strategist when the going is hardest, he was acting on the basis of a brilliant long-range plan.

Long before the fall of Shanghai, he had prepared for the worst. He had the gold reserve moved to Taiwan. China's navy and what remained of the air force were based on the island. The retreating armies, first from Shanghai and then from Canton, were moved to Taiwan for reorganization into a strong fighting force. In December, 1949, as the gov­ernment made its last mainland stand in Sze­chuan, the capital was moved to Taipei. Al­though Chiang had relinquished the presidency to Li Tsung-jen, he was still the Tsung-tsai of the Kuomintang and head of the Kuomintang Emergency Committee. When Acting President Li declined to come to Taiwan, Chiang resumed the presidency on March 1, 1950, at the request of the Legislative Yuan, the nation's supreme lawmaking body.

The years that followed have seen a steady strengthening of Taiwan's forces and notable progress in its economy and its dem­ocratic institutions. Today President Chiang Kai-shek has a unique place among the leaders of the world, renowned not only for his victorious partnership with Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill but also for his unshakable determination to liberate the mainland and complete the Revolution in a free, democratic, reconstructed China. The people of the Republic of China are confident that as his fourth term begins, counterattack and the final defeat of Chinese Communism are imminent.