I. The Spirit on Which Whampoa Military Academy and the National Revolutionary Forces Are Founded
Today is the 42nd anniversary of the founding of our Whampoa Military Academy as well as of our National Revolutionary Forces. We celebrate this day not only as the anniversary of this military school, but also as a great occasion for the entire body of our armed forces. This military academy was first established at Whampoa in Canton 42 years ago by the Republic's Founding Father, Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Why was this day, June 16, chosen as the anniversary day for the Whampoa Academy? The reason is: it was on this day 42 years ago that Chen Chiung-ming rose in armed mutiny in Canton. He laid siege to the Presidential Office on Mt. Kuan Yin in an attempt to assassinate our Founding Father and wreck the National Revolution. It has been a day of utmost importance in the history of our revolution because on this day in 1922 our Founding Father, defying dangers and death, forged ahead in his struggle against tyranny in spite of overwhelming adversities. For this reason, it is imperative that all the cadets of this academy, all officers and men of our armed forces, and each and everyone of those who are faithful to the National Revolution inherit the revolutionary spirit of our Founding Father, which is a combination of utmost benevolence, great wisdom and unlimited courage. We must all carryon as bidden by our Founding Father in his last testament and push forward in our struggle to accomplish the great task of National Revolution.
On the opening day of the academy, the Founding Father proclaimed the school motto to be "Loving Kindness and Absolute Sincerity". These words form the very fountainhead from which is derived Whampoa's spirit - the spirit of unity, the spirit of sacrifice, and the spirit of responsibility. These three different spiritual elements together have constituted the revolutionary spirit of our Whampoa Military Academy. Inheriting this motto, we, the officers and men of the entire armed forces, have, by virtue thereof, received our training in the course of combat and built up our strength in the process of battle, and concentrated our will power and marched together to struggle for national liberty and equality in the community of nations, and for the peace and security of Asia and the whole world — until victory is won.
There are two elements in the spirit that founded our Whampoa Military Academy and the National Revolutionary Forces. One is the ideology of and the belief in San Min Chu I (The Three Principles of the People). The other is the purpose and strength of the National Revolution. San Min Chu I is an ideological system based on extensive and all-embracing benevolence and love. Whatever political principle or social ideology that advocates patriotism, freedom, national survival, and people's welfare can always be integrated into this ideological system; for these are the very qualities that constitute the supreme principles underlying our undertakings of national salvation and national reconstruction, and the common belief of all our people. Hence, in every past campaign in our National Revolution, men of principle and patriotism, both at home and abroad, unfailingly came forth to rally around the central leadership of San Min Chu I and, in unity and with common effort, achieved glorious victories.
As the National Revolution is both a tenacious and sustained combat action, our National Revolutionary Forces will never cease their efforts halfway down the course once the battle is joined. No momentary setbacks will alter our resolution. No temporary disgrace will cause our will to vacillate. Our Revolutionary Forces will always persevere in our strategic principles until we attain our combat objectives.
II. Key Factors in the Vicissitudes of San Min Chu I and Communism
Shortly after establishing the Military Academy, our Founding Father went to North China despite his illness and declared to the nation that the Revolution would inevitably triumph because it was to be carried out in two stages: "In the first stage, the armed forces will seek unity with the people, and in the next stage, these armed forces will become the people's own armed strength." By identifying the might of our National Revolutionary Forces with that of the people, we have since then countered rebellions, launched our Northward Expedition, suppressed the Communists, and carried through the War of Resistance against Japan: never failing to accomplish these difficult missions, always achieving total successes. The key to all those triumphs lay in the fact that, on the one hand, the ideology of and faith in San Min Chu I had penetrated deeply and widely into the hearts of all the people of the nation and that, on the other hand, the armed hordes of the feudal warlords and the military might of imperialist powers were destined to failure because of their lack of an ideological fulcrum upon which force itself must turn.
That "Communism and the soviet system should not be introduced to China" was pointed out early and clearly by our Founding Father. The Chinese Communist Party's only instrumentality in its attempt at survival consists merely of deceit, blackmail, usurpation, and plagiarism. The Communists' first undertaking was to infiltrate the Whampoa Military Academy to hamper the launching of our Northward Expedition. It led to our suppression of their uprising in Canton. Later, during the Northward Expedition, the Communists again tried to disrupt cur national unity and this led to our military campaigns to suppress them in the Yangtze Valley. Our decisive victory in these three struggles secured the foundation for success of the National Revolution. But during the War of Resistance, the Communists undertook to undermine our war efforts by pretending to join forces with us. As a result of international mediation, we held a series of five peace talks during that period. After V-J Day, the Communists again resorted to deceit and blackmail to continue, behind the protecting international mediation and peace talks, to frustrate for rehabilitation and reconstruction efforts and carry out wanton subversive activities on the one hand while, on the other, working to seize power on the mainland in order to set lip a puppet regime under the direction of Joseph Stalin, the archfiend of international Communism. That was how they created the unprecedented disaster still plaguing China today.
What the Chinese Communists are clamoring now about their opposition to the so-called revisionism of the Russian Communists and their being unafraid of any attack on the mainland by the U. S. "imperialists" is nothing but another version of nonsensical propaganda typifying their habitual practice of deceit and blackmail. It is common knowledge that, by using anti-revisionism as a pretext, they are trying to prevent the mainland people from believing in San Min Chu I. While they say that they are not afraid of any attack by the U.S. "imperialists", they secretly fear a counter-offensive by our National Armed Forces alone. In other words, they aim to prevent us from launching our counter-offensive against the mainland by forestalling international support for such an assault. This is to say that they are employing among the Communist bloc, and against the free world, the same old trick of deceit and blackmail that they once used on the intellectuals and the masses of our youth within the country. International appeasers are serving as brokers for the Chinese Communists' deceit and blackmail, and as transmitters of their ridiculous propaganda, to confuse the visions and hearings of the free world.
But lies and deceit are inevitably exposed in the end and no blackmail can stand the test of strength. The success or failure of San Min Chu I and Communism hinges on the difference between deceit and blackmail on the one hand and fidelity and sincerity on the other. Our party purge ended in success because it was a punitive action against Communist plots and violence. The series of five peace talks failed to achieve peace because we fell into the trap of Communist deceit and blackmail. These painful experiences in our anti-Communist struggle have provided us with clear and definite lessons of utmost accuracy.
III. War in the Taiwan Straits Was the Turning Point of Our Confrontation With the Enemy, the Beginning of the Bankruptcy of Mao's Thought, and the Initial Quiver of the Collapse of the Peiping Regime
The Mao regime has reached a state of ideological bankruptcy, failure of chicanery, complete isolation, and overall disintegration. In spite of its repeated campaigns of literary and art rectifications, party purges and military liquidations, it has failed to reverse its destiny of inevitable defeat and downfall.
The process can be traced to the war in the Taiwan Straits in 1958, which was a turning point in our confrontation with the enemy. Reacting to the struggles and purges inside their regime, even Chinese Communists now express fear of the "collapse of the Party and its leadership"; and their laments on the "great leap backward" have been developments stemming from that pivotal event.
Mao's defeat in the 1958 war in the Taiwan Straits resulted in the eruption of the anti-Mao struggle of Peng Teh-huai and Huang Ke-cheng in 1959. It has been seven years since that incident which, nominally only an ideological struggle, actually marked the beginning of the intra-party power struggle. This struggle has caused Chinese Communist Party and cadres to lose faith in Communism and changed their attitude toward Mao's ideological leadership from disillusionment to doubt, from dissension to resistance. In the process, Mao Tse-tung's "thought" was the first to sink into the abyss.
A regime of international Communism is invariably built on the basis of ideological magic. Once its ideology is bankrupt, the regime; will go to pieces. This is an inexorable law dooming the survival of a Communist regime. What is the "thought" of Mao Tse-tung? Its only basis is found in its imposturous title of Marxist-Leninist Communism and its plagiarization of Stalinist ideology. It is found in the adoption of the depotism of Chin Shih Huang (First Emperor of the Chin dynasty, 3rd Cent. B.C.) and methods of massacre and repression as employed by such brigands as Huang Chao and Li Chuang in Chinese history. Thus, it is, Mao's "thought" that is responsible for the suppression of the people and the deceiving of the intellectuals on the Chinese mainland. Moreover, this "thought" is but a tactical idea originated by the infamous Boxers in their rebellion, advocating the use of charms and talismans to resist foreign rifles and artillery.
In usurping power on the mainland, the Chinese Communists first stole the fruits of our National Revolution in the name of San Min Chu I and then resorted to cheating and blackmailing on the international front. The result was the creation of their "lean-to-one-side" puppet regime in order to obtain Stalin's full support. In the decade following Stalin's death, however, the Kremlin renounced Stalinism. Now, eight years after the war in the Taiwan Straits, our San Min Chu I has again prevailed over Communism. This is a fact made abundantly clear through the various documented occurrences in their present movement of the so-called "cultural revolution". Is there anything more that Mao's "thought" can utilize and rely upon? As a last resort, the Communists have been compelled to make use of the so-called "Liberation Army", as their, sole weapon in defending the ideology of Mao, They have thus completely discarded their supreme principle of "Party power above all" and "Party leadership over the military forces". This can be taken as an indication that Mao is at his wit's end; he is doomed. Mao’s regime has been rocked from its foundation and it now stares at a fate of disintegration. This fact has shattered the deceptive propaganda, as disseminated by the Chinese Communists and their fellow travelers and as believed in by international appeasement advocates — namely, the propaganda that Mao is in firm control of his Party as well as of the mainland people.
IV. Opportunities for Counter-offensive and National Recovery Are Developing
We believe that the internal strife of the Mao regime will pass through three stages:
(1) In its so-called "cultural revolution" struggle, the regime will use its armed forces to purge its own party. Mao has been manipulating its military newspapers to assail its party newspapers. Furthermore, he has replaced party organizations with military agencies to promote such campaigns as the "Major Points for Publicity and Education Concerning the Cultural Revolution"; This confirms the thesis that the Peiping regime has entered upon the stage of using the armed forces to purge the Party.
(2) The ideological struggle within the Chinese Communist Party will develop into a struggle for political power. So far the Mao regime has shifted its target of purge from Wu Han and Teng To to Pang Chen, and ultimately will shift it to its very own hard core. Although who will emerge as the victor from the struggles in the purge remains to be seen, we may certainly say that after the purge of the Party by the military in the first stage of the campaign, there will follow a purge of the regime by the military.
(3) In the process of the purge of the Party and the regime" there also will be a purge of the military. (Although the military purge already has started, it has not yet entered the white-hot showdown stage.) It is when that apogee of the military purge has been reached that' the two opposing forces within 'the Chinese Communist armed forces — the force of Mao's ideology and the force of our National Revolution under San Min I — will come to final grips; and the Peiping regime will then enter upon its final phase of disintegration and collapse.
There will be only one final issue — and for that to consummate, our National Revolutionary troops must undertake the central task, blow the bugle for the counter-offensive, eradicate Mao's thought, and overthrow the Peiping regime. Then the Three Principles of the People can be carried out on the Chinese mainland and our mainland compatriots, can enjoy the rights of freedom and equality under our Constitution. Thus the task in the third phase of our National 'Revolution will be completed.
We believe that the time for launching Our counter-offensive will come soon and that military action will be completed smoothly so that our mainland compatriots will not suffer from a protracted war. Our constitutional democracy will again shine on the Chinese mainland. Our national reconstruction in accordance with San Min Chu I will succeed as expected.
V. Let All Anti-Mao Forces Unite Under the Ideology and Inspiration of San Min Chu I
Mao Tse-tung has made strenuous efforts to have Lu Ping of the Peking University and Huang Ya-ming of the Nanking University purged. Now he is aiming his ax at the Communist Youth League. Before this, his regime launched a campaign to banish the youths of the Chinese mainland to the mountains and the countryside in order to unite them with the proletarian masses and prepare them to be successors of the proletarian revolution. Apparently this was one of the main tasks of the so-called "cultural revolution".
We must ask: if the young intellectuals on the Chinese mainland are willing to become the successors of "Mao Tse-tung;s ideology", why has the Peiping regime found it necessary to organize a task force of 7,000 persons to engage in the purge of upwards ten thousand students in the Peking University and to hold a 13,000-man "mass trial meeting" to put a 19-year-old youth, Yang Kuo-ching to death?
The truth of the matter is that the Peiping regime in nurturing its "successors", must first resort to terrorism in order to destroy the human nature and the moral principles innate to youths so that it may insulate them from the influence of their historical and cultural tradition, that is, the ideology of San Min Chu I, and even .the literary ideas fostered by the regime itself since the 1930s. The purpose is to turn the youths into savage, cruel, and beastly successors, of Chinese Communism". However, the current internal struggle of the Peiping regime has revealed three characteristics showing that it is never possible for the Chinese Communists to divest the mainland youths from San Min Chu I. First, the evidence of the success of San Min Chu I is found in the bankruptcy of Communism. Second, the more salient Mao's ideology becomes, the quicker he reaches the' end of his blind alley and the brighter and more far- reaching shines the San Min Chu I. Third, all anti-Mao educators, historians, playwrights, movie actors; musicians, sculptors, and painters — no matter where they are, in the Communist Party or in the armed, forces — are working for the same cause: to spread the blessings of San Min Chu I and scatter the seeds of the National Revolution. We believe the current struggle is not only inspired by San Min Chu I but it takes shape under its leadership. These three characteristics are more than what we expected. They are proof of our eventual success in the counter-offensive and national reconstruction.
We are here reiterate the three assurances and the ten pledges. All intellectuals who have been purged, or will be purged, are our comrades-in-arms in the cause of San Min Chu I. We pledge to do our utmost to advance the date of our march to their support and rescue.
We also reiterate our creed, "Those who are not our enemies are our comrades". All intellectuals who are opposing Mao's ideology, resisting his tyranny, and refusing to serve as his slaves are our comrades in the National Revolution.
Let us march on the ideological front line of San Min Chu I and stand in the battle camp of the National Revolution to extinguish Mao's ideology and topple his regime so that by solving the problem of Mao, we can not only resolve our own problem concerning China but also resolve the crisis in Asia and the world. And by undertaking our national reconstruction based on San Min Chu I, we can establish lasting peace in Asia and the world.
VI. The Mission of Our Revolutionary Wbampoa
Now the Whampoa Military Academy has entered upon its fifth decade. It has come to the final stage of the decisive war of our National Revolution.
In waging our decisive war, our reliance is on the San Min Chu I and the spirit of our national tradition and culture. But our power for fighting the decisive war is mainly generated from wisdom and learning which can be acquired from education and training. But education and training cannot be strengthened or furthered unless they be carried out according to the principles of being new, prompt, practicable, and simple.
The purpose of establishing our military academy was twofold: to build up our army and to build up our nation. You are studying here because you wish to save and rebuild your nation.
The time for saving our country may come at any moment. You must quicken your preparations and accelerate your studies. And remember that "wisdom and learning make power".
Our revolutionary Whampoa Military Academy is the institution that works in unison to "save the country from peril"; that sacrifices and strives for "national freedom and equality"; that shoulders the responsibility of the Chinese people in inheriting the past and opening up the future; and that has its relationship consecrated by blood with Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the revolutionary martyrs, San Min Chu I, and the whole nation.
It is also this Whampoa Military Academy that first undertook the struggle against the Chinese Communists and that will yet wipe out the Chinese Communists and eradicate once and for all the scourge of Communism.
The final victory of Revolutionary Whampoa is the final victory of our national revolution; it is also the most effective assurance for the realization of San Min Chu I.
APPENDIX
The Three Assurances
1. Those officers and enlisted men who will defect from the Chinese Communist forces shall be accorded the same treatment as that for members of our armed forces and shall be placed on the same basis of remuneration and reward in accordance with their position and merits;
2. All political and civic organizations which will have joined the Government in anti-Communist activities, the Chinese Communist Party excepted, shall enjoy equal and lawful status regardless of their previous political stand; they shall have the opportunity under the Constitution and the principle of fair competition to contribute their effort towards the reconstruction of a new China of the people, by the people, and for the people;
3. Those who have joined the Chinese Communist organization and served under the Peiping regime, except the few hardcore leaders, shall be pardoned and their life and property protected on condition that they pledge to work for the anti-Communist cause; the Government shall pursue the general policy of leniency towards all perfunctory followers of Communism and towards their past records of collaboration with the Communist Party.
The Ten Pledges
A. Those concerning the mainland people in general —
1. The tyrannical "people's commune", devised by the Communists for the sole purpose of enslavement and oppression of the people, shall be abolished and the free life of the people restored.
2. Everyone shall be allowed to retain the land he tills.
3. Everyone shall have food, clothing, and daily necessities free of control.
4. Everyone shall be free to choose the kind of occupation he prefers and enjoy the fruits of his honest labor without interference from the Government.
5. According to the provisions of the Constitution, the people shall have full freedom of religion, academic study, assembly, association, residence, and movement. Regardless of their political stand in the past, all political groups or civilian organizations that now take part in the anti-Communist task shall be able to enjoy equality and legitimate rights and interests within the constitutional framework.
6. Class discrimination and revenge for personal feud shall be strictly prohibited. High moral standards and law and order shall be restored.
B. Those concerning officers and men of the Communist armed forces, members of the Communist Party and Youth Corps, and their cadres —
7. Any member of the Communist army, navy or air force who participates in an uprising against the Communist regime, or responds to the National Forces' counter-offensive by coming over with his military equipment and appurtenances, shall be generously rewarded according to his merits, and shall receive the same treatment as the Government troops.
8. Anyone who can lead a platoon, company, battalion, regiment, division or army to fight against the Communists shall be assigned as the commanding officer of his unit. He shall receive due promotion and shall be named the administrative chief of the area he has recovered for the Government.
9. Any member of the Communist public security, border guard, and militia forces, who participates in anti-Communist activities or sabotages the Communist administrative machinery, shall be accorded the same treatment as provided in the foregoing articles. Anyone on the mainland who provides cover for anti-Communist personnel and assists in the people's anti-Communist activities shall be given protection for his life and property, a responsible position and a generous reward in accordance with his contributions.
10. All cadres of the Communist Party and Youth Corps who have participated under cover or who now participate in the great task of anti-Communist revolution shall be considered citizens of the Republic of China and participants in the National Revolution. Their past shall not be questioned or held against them and their life, property, and family members shall be protected.
Editor‘s & Note: This is a full-text translation of President Chiang Kai-shek's address at the Chinese Military Academy on June 16, 1966, on the 42nd anniversary of its establishment.