January 1, 1963
My Fellow Countrymen:
Illumined by the glorious light of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Three Principles of the People and the banner of the White Sun in Blue Sky, we gather today to welcome the New Year's Day of the fifty-second year of the Republic of China and to observe the solemn and sacred anniversary of the establishment of our Republic. On this great day, it is only natural that our thoughts should turn even more strongly toward the hundreds of millions of our mainland compatriots, who are suffering from cold and hunger, and who are groaning in agony and longing for help and deliverance. Automatically our hearts are filled with sorrow and indignation. Let us vow to console the spirits of the Father of our Republic and the revolutionary martyrs in heaven with our unanimous determination and action to recover the mainland and deliver our compatriots.
During the past half a century, national independence, democratic freedom and social and economic well-being of the people have become the universal common goals of mankind. The purpose of our national revolution is the implementation of the Three Principles of the People. First we overthrew the despotic monarchy and established our Republic in accordance with the Principle of Democracy! Next we won victory in our war of resistance against Japanese aggression in fulfillment of the Principle of Nationalism; Today, we are fighting Communism to ensure the successful realization of the Principle of People's Well-being and of our national cause of recovery and reconstruction.
My Fellow Countrymen! Lying before us is indisputable proof that both Communism and Mao's regime are doomed. Already in our hands is the key to victory in our struggle against Communism, totalitarianism, and aggression.
The anti-Communist situation of the world is such that on the one hand, the decline and fall of the Communist bloc is evident in its ideology, its action, its way of life, its organization, and its social structure. On the other hand, the cry of agony from enslaved people, their flight to freedom at the risk of their lives, and ceaseless eruption of their fury are resounding in the hearts of people everywhere in the free world, and are pounding at and melting the door bolt of the Iron Curtain! Furthermore, the free world, either in spirit and concept, or in strength and preparedness, and with all its systems of collective security, has gained a clearer understanding of the issues at stake and has taken clear-cut and resolute actions after long period of bitter experiences.
Thus Khrushchev has been compelled to extend his destalinization campaign to Stalin's protege, Mao Tse-tung, by carrying the struggle all the way from Moscow to Rome, Prague and Budapest. The Communist bloc of nations, already beset by food shortages, confusion and frustration, now finds itself split by family quarrels, jealousies and ideological conflicts, with such charges and countercharges as "defeatism," "adventurism", "revisionism": "dogmatism", etc., flying back and forth. Marxism-Leninism is almost negated, the Communist bloc stands in danger of serious schism, and Mao Tse-tung has been so degraded that his international position needs to be re-examined. The adverse Red tide, being incompatible with human nature and against the course of history, is rapidly ebbing, whereas the main current of our age-standing for freedom and democracy as opposed to Communist totalitarianism - is rising to new heights.
On the mainland today, there has been an upsurge of popular feelings against hunger, rigid control, and suppression. The prevailing demand there is for food, land, family life, and freedom. The Communist party itself is rent by conflicts between "leftists" and "rightists", between "native" and "foreign" trained Red cadres, and between "Reds" and "experts"-and this has been intensified and compounded by such new factors as opposition to adventurism, rigid party control and "sending of cadres to the countryside to join in production." Mao Tse-tung himself has fallen deeper into Khrushchev's disfavor. He is deserted by the rest of the Communist bloc, and his hold over the Chinese Communist party has been shaken by the "anti-party group" led by Peng Teh-huai and Huang Ke-cheng. He has indeed reached the end of his tether.
After Stalin's death, Mao's ambition was to become the pivot of international Communism. But now, in the face of increasing criticism from the Hungarian, Czechoslovakian, Italian and Soviet Communists, all he can say is "why so lenient to your enemy and so harsh to your comrade?" Mao now admits that he is in the "minority" deserted by the Communist bloc, staggering and helpless. Kao Kang, Jao Shu-shih, Peng Teh-huai and Huang Ke-cheng, once Mao's trusted lieutenants, have now all become-his mortal enemies.
Those Communist party cadres and military officers fortunate to have escaped purges and liquidations have either blood on their hands or the word "reactionary" branded on their faces as a result of the intra-party struggle. These repeated internal strifes and continuous negations have had a serious effect on the morale of Communist cadres, who now feel insecure and have a psychopathic fear of being liquidated. Because of the failure of the three Red banners-the general line of socialist reconstruction, the people's commune and the great leap forward-Chinese Communist cadres have lost their confidence in socialist revolution and reconstruction. This has brought about a feeling of emptiness among the leftist adventurists who have blindly followed Mao's lead.
The Chinese Communists now have no choice but to admit that many of their cadres and other personnel attempt "to depart from the socialist road whenever there is an opportunity," that they are "against the Communist party and against the People's Republic," thus "striking up an anti-Chinese chorus which was sensational for a time." These words alone are enough to demonstrate the strength of the sentiments of the Communist cadres in "moving away from party leadership," in "breaking up" and in "turning their back" on Communism, as well as their eager inclination to turn toward their legitimate government. Like the New Army on the eve of the Revolution of 1911, the Chinese Communist cadres are waiting for the first shot to be fired.
I wish to tell the people of the world that although Mao has secretly launched an "anti-Khrushchev movement," believing that "Khrushchev and Khrushchevism are but temporary and transitional," and although Khrushehev has openly retorted, comparing Mao to the frog that fancied it could blow itself up as big as an ox, it is still basically a personal conflict. This means that the two are matching forces in a power struggle. It does not portend any schism between the Soviet Union and the Peiping regime, nor does it represent a split between the two Marxist-Leninist partners, who are still like Siamese twins.
This life-and-death struggle between Khrushchev and Mao will surely end in Mao's liquidation and surrender, for this is the jungle law of Communism. However, the day when Mao topples from his throne will be the day Khrushchev regains his control over the Chinese Communist party. He then will be able to impose an even more cruel yoke on the hundreds of millions of Chinese on the mainland, and use one quarter of the world's population as his unlimited capital to launch a global war. If the free world should regard the personal conflict between the two as a split in the Communist bloc, and take comfort in the hope that it may weaken the strength of international Communism in its attempt to communize the world and enslave mankind, this will be the most dangerous wishful thinking there is. We should guard against such self-deception.
For more than fifty years, our national revolution, guided by the Three Principles of the People, has been aimed at winning freedom and independence for a fourth of the world's population. It is closely related to the history of man's quest for freedom and resistance to aggression. In our effort to overthrow tyranny and combat aggression, we have paid dearly in human life and property. Nevertheless, we have always remained true to freedom and democracy, and have fought at the forefront of the free world's struggle against Communism.
Today the Chinese Communists are fast approaching their doomsday. This is the most opportune moment to seize the key to the whole problem, and to remove the root of all evil by attacking the most vulnerable spot. Having completed preparations for counter-offensive and national recovery, it is only natural that we should not miss the opportunity to carry out our sacred mission of delivering our compatriots on the mainland. We firmly believe that only by restoring freedom to one quarter "of the world's population can the rapacious aggressors be stopped in their tracks and the threat of a nuclear war be eliminated. Only then can economic prosperity and lasting peace be won for Asia and the rest of the world.
You may recall that Mao Tse-tung, with blood still dripping from his hands, is seeking to use war as the way to achieve a communized world. He is more anxious than Khrushchev to bury the capitalist nations. Aren't his words enough warning to the free world?
President John F. Kennedy showed clear recognition of this danger when he said the other day: "It is ... constant determination which the Chinese Communists show in the most militant form ... that they will not settle for that kind of a peaceful world, but must settle for a Communist world-that is what makes the real danger." He is so patently right. And we may also say with certainty that if Khrushchev eventually should succeed in getting rid of Mao, another Chinese Communist as militant as Mao will rise, only that he will be more subservient to the Kremlin in trying to build a Communist world, which will be more dangerous to the free world.
In this connection, we must realize that:
—Although the Soviet attempt to conceal a thermonuclear striking force in the Western hemisphere has been foiled for the moment, the threat arising from the Kremlin's alternate use of the nuclear force based on Russian soil for blackmail and political treachery, coupled with Chinese Communist adventurism by blatant force, remains to be checked.
—While conflicts within the Communist bloc daily become more intense, such internal crises will only goad the Chinese Communists to resort to external aggression. They have not stopped the Communist countries from collusion in their moves against the outside world.
—The free world now has solid proof that, in the minds of the Communists, if the so-called "paper tiger" did not have a set of "nuclear teeth." and if the United States had not stood firm for justice, not only the frantically adventurous Chinese Communists would have been emboldened to "fearlessly wield the weapons in hand" on the Sino-Indian border, but the Soviet imperialists would not have beaten a strategic retreat from Cuba, though pretending it was a "concession for reason and peace."
—Based on these realizations, the free world nations should, in the interest of their common cause, oppose all Communist organizations engaged in subversion and expansion, and all Communist thought which provide the ideological source for germinating hatred, struggle and terror. It is not enough merely to oppose the Soviet thermonuclear threat or cold war disguised as "peaceful coexistence."
A Chinese proverb wisely says: "Weaken a powerful opponent by hitting at his weak spots; crack a hard stone by chipping at its veins." Strategically, the Chinese Communist regime, as compared with that of other Communists, is the most ferocious and bellicose, and also the most persistent in "leftist adventurism"—a foe that the free world must destroy. Tactically, however, it is suffering from the greatest of domestic difficulties, rotten from the inside, the most isolated and the weakest—the Achilles' heel of the Communist bloc. It is also the most hated and is totally rejected by its people. For this reason, we should all work together to bring down this Communist tyranny.
My Fellow Countrymen! This Communist plague on the mainland must be removed by our own effort. History shows that freedom is never won cheaply and that victory must be earned. We must muster strength in the benevolent and brave spirit of our revolutionary traditions, to prepare for our last struggle with Communism and to pave the way for national recovery and reconstruction. From now on, every minute should be a moment for us to expunge our past humiliation and to avenge ourselves. All our people must be actively prepared for the counter-offensive and national recovery, and must stand ready to respond to anti-Communist uprisings whenever and wherever they may occur. We cannot afford to let such a fateful opportunity slip from our grip.
Today I want to call on all our compatriots and youths in the free territories of Taiwan, Kinmen and Matsu to accept the responsibility of saving our mainland brethren and of recovering our lost land. Everyone should be ready for actual combat duty at any moment. Everyone should be determined to build a new China based upon the Three Principles of the People. We should resolve to lead wartime life, boost production and render necessary service. We should invigorate our revolutionary spirit and fuse it into strong combat formations. All our blood, sweat and toil, and all our resources should be expended for the sake of our sacred war of national recovery.
I wish especially to urge our compatriots on the mainland, who are suffering from cold, hunger and mass displacement, to join anti-Communist groups that are everywhere around them. I call on them to give cover to underground movements, to support uprisings, to take the lead in staging strikes on the farms, in factories and in classrooms, to wreck Communist communications lines, to set fire to Communist military stockpiles, and so respond to any military action against the Communists whether it is in the air, at sea or on the ground! Direct your fire against Communist chieftains and march forward into battle!
My Fellow Countrymen! Today Mao Tse-tung and his gang, beset with internal and external troubles, are doomed. Our people as a whole, soldiers and civilians alike, including the ready-to-defect Communist soldiers and cadres, already have moved into positions ready to close in on the Communists from all sides. Now is the time for all of us to effect national recovery so as to fulfill the great task of national reconstruction that bas been left for us to complete by Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Father of our Republic, and the revolutionary martyrs over the past 51 years.
My Fellow Countrymen: As the dark night is lifting, light is in sight; as the cold winter will soon be over, the warm spring is just around the corner. Our banner of justice will rally the support necessary to topple the tyrannical, traitorous Communist regime in order to accomplish the third task of our national revolution.
My Fellow Countrymen! Under the guidance of humanity, democracy and scientific progress, let us all practice "reform, mobilization and combat," and build up a new China with national independence, political freedom and social and economic well- being for all as envisaged in the Three Principles of the People. All evils of Communism must be eradicated so as to eliminate the danger of a destructive world war and to restore lasting peace and well-being for mankind. Only thus can the spirit of Dr. Sun and the revolutionary martyrs rest in peace in Heaven.
Now let us all join in cheers of the day:
Long Live the Republic of China!
Long Live the Three Principles of the People!
Victory in our Struggle for National Recovery Through Counteroffensive!