By Anthony Kubek
Arlington House
New Rochelle, N.Y. 1975,255 pp., U5$8.95
Reviewed by Chen Pin
Subtitled "What Americans Deserve to Know About U.S. Chinese Relations," this book is by a good friend of the Republic of China. Anthony Kubek, the Academic Dean of Frisco College in Texas and curator of the Claire Lee Chennault Library of Asian and American Affairs at Plano, Texas, is on the ROC side all the way. That is both welcome and as it should be. Those who read this book will understand why the Republic of China needs an eloquent advocate in these difficult times.
Last things first: In his brief concluding chapter, Forecasts, Dr. Kubek writes: "From their own recent words, the intention of the Chinese Communists regarding Taiwan is unmistakable. They mean to 'liberate' the island in one way or the other, either peacefully by subversion or by sheer military power. But the United States remains formally committed, despite all Nixon-Kissinger designs of detente, to the protection of Taiwan from any external attack. The concept, ex pressed in the Shanghai statement, that Taiwan is an internal Chinese problem does not alter the treaty commitment of the United States to defend the island. This fact remains central to every weighing of the China question in the future. .. The greatness of the American nation does not lie in its wealth, high living standard or number of nuclear weapons, but rather in its sincere dedication to the idea of freedom and democracy."
In the first four chapters, the author of The Amerasia Papers reviews Chinese history from 1841 to 1941, Sino-American relations of the same period, the World War II years and the Chinese Communist build-up and usurpation of 1946-49. This is an interesting story and to some it will be new. Those who do not know the history will find the summary accurate and a sufficient answer to those who have written from the Chinese Communist point of view. But the heart of the book and its major lessons for today lie in the latter pages dealing with the Taiwan years and Richard Nixon's journey to Peiping.
U.S. relations with the Re public of China on Taiwan were developed and solidified in the 1950s and 60s. Taiwan prospered mightily. The military forces of free China were rebuilt' and a mutual defense treaty signed with the Americans. Then, in 1968, Richard Nixon - long a stalwart anti-Communist and good friend of the Republic of China - was elected president of the United States. This was not the same Mr. Nixon who ran against John F. Kennedy in 1960. He had been changing his view of the Chinese Communists for some time, Dr. Kubek maintains, and was strong ly influenced by Henry Kissinger.
In early 1972, President Nixon made his journey to Peiping and signed the Shanghai communique with Chou En-lai. He returned with so little that some apologists suggested he must have obtained secret concessions. He himself denied any secret deals. Dr. Kubek comments: "If Mr. Nixon was telling the truth, then he sacrificed the American commitment to Taiwan for nothing. If he was telling the truth, then his word in the field of foreign affairs can no longer be trusted. It is obviously one or the other; there can be no third alternative."
As the author views the Nixon "Journey for Peace," President Nixon gave "implied assurance" that the United States would no longer regard the Peiping regime as a "menace to its neighbors or an exporter of subversion. More even than this, the president left his solemn promise at Shanghai that the Chinese Communists would be allowed to settle their 'Taiwan question' with no further imposition on the part of the United States. This, in a word, was the tragedy of Mr. Nixon's trip to China."
In the aftermath of Nixon's move toward Red China, countries and peoples of Southeast Asia feared that the United States had charted "a new Asian course that spelled uncertainty. Skepticism began to flow into the capitals of our Asian allies that America may not 'stay the course' regarding its present commitments, economic and military." Dr. Kubek's words were prophetic. South Vietnam and Cambodia have disappeared behind the iron curtain.
Dr. Kubek does not guess at the intentions of the Chinese Communists. He doesn't have to. He quotes from a confidential directive of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist party dated March 30, 1973 (in part): "Now our influences have reached the United States. If only we work with patience and enthusiasm, Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse-tung's thought will definitely be integrated with the practices of the revolutionary movement in the United States, thereby speeding up the process of revolution in the United States. Our invitation to Nixon proceeds precisely from Mao's tactical thinking: 'exploring contradiction, winning over the majority, opposing the minority and destroying them one by one.' We agreed to Nixon's tour in order that on the one hand we could curb the collusion between the United States and the Soviet Union, weaken their strength and keep them from taking reckless and impetuous actions to start a war. On the other hand, we use peace talks as a means of forcing U.S. imperialism, now beset with difficulties, at home and abroad, to withdraw its forces from Indochina and Taiwan. .. On the question of liberating Taiwan, there exist two possibilities: liberation by peaceful means and liberation by force of arms. At present, U.S. imperialism has not yet withdrawn its forces from Taiwan and the Taiwan Straits. We definitely must not pin our hopes on peaceful liberation. Our army must step up preparations for war and be ready at all times to liberate Taiwan by force of arms."
What do Americans know about U.S.-Chinese relations? Not much, in the opinion of Anthony Kubek, and what they do know is too often distorted or down right wrong. Time and again, the Republic of China has been grievously wronged by its American friends. The countries have been close and many friendships have been forged. And yet the Communists were able to take the Chinese mainland largely because of the failure of U.S. policy. The Red China with which the United States now seeks friendship and "relaxation of tensions" is determined to destroy the American way of life.
Will the United States let down the Republic of China again? Will Americans allow the Chinese Communists to attempt subjugation of the 16 million anti Communist people of Taiwan, an island in which the Chinese have pulled themselves up by the boot straps to create the highest living standard in China's long history?
Dr. Kubek does not answer the question definitively. Yet he is not without hope. He takes note again and again of American voices which are being raised in support of the Republic of China and against abandonment of a tried, true and loyal friend.
In its day-to-day policy pronouncements, the government of the Republic of China has been optimistic about continuation of the partnership with the United States. If this hopeful view is warranted, and if all China is once again set free to find a destiny of peace and freedom, friends such as Anthony Kubek will de serve much of the credit. He has cited the past record of Sino American friendship to prove that in its absence, freedom would die not only for Americans and Chinese but for all peoples every where.
A MAN OF GOODWILL
By Michael Wheatley
Commercial Press, Ltd., Taipei
1975, 257 pp., NT$88.00
Reviewed by Chen Ying-chieh
Utopia stories are as old as the dreams of man. This one by a Briton interested in nutrition, homeopathic medicine and Confucianism will win no prizes for literary merit. The writing is sincere but pedestrian. Inexplicably, the story has loose ends which might have been tied up to make the presentation more convincing.
Aldous Huxley, a better writer than Mr. Wheatley, failed similarly in Island, the last major novel to treat with the concept of creating a better world on this earth. Maybe there is something in the Utopian myth that requires the rejection of neat packaging.
Mr. Wheatley believes in natural remedies and his writing explains why. His style is simple almost simplistic - unadorned and sometimes clumsy. What does shine through is a deep sincerity. This is an author who believes in what he is writing. He must be an honorable man; he could not pretend to the goodwill he ex presses, although even his "man of goodwill" has a few crochets and is not always so patient with what he doesn't like.
The narrator, who is conveniently wifeless, as it turns out, and a dog lover, sets out on a freighter voyage from Europe to Hongkong. He is shipwrecked and winds up on a semitropical island that could be Taiwan, only it doesn't fit the geographical details given. Hainan would be more likely, except that the people are scarcely Communists. In any event, it is not necessary to name the island, because this is Utopia.
The narrator and his companions at first appear to be prisoners. They are taken before the "Old Man,' Kung-Fu Yu, who tells them they are on a small island and that all the people are one family with a mutual ancestor, Kung-Fu Se. "We are really part of a much larger family than you find here," Mr. Yu tells them. "But the rest have fallen into bad ways and discarded the truths of the past, so we had no alternative than to leave them and retreat down here. Had we stayed they would have killed us, as they have so many of our friends ... every inch of this land is guarded by members of our family and no outsider is permitted to see the secrets of our defense."
Other members of the narrator's party fail to adjust to the life of Utopia. One, a disagreeable woman, has an affair with Kung Fu Lu, the brother of the Old Man. Eventually the woman, her daughter and a married couple are permitted to leave for the outside world. The narrator stays and falls in love with Ying, the daughter of Kung-Fu Yu.
From Kung-Fu Yu, the narrator learns of the teachings of Kung-Fu Se, identified as a philosopher concerned with the search for wisdom but also a politician and therefore interested in power. Kung-Fu Se's code of ethics was not mystical, nor en forced with tyranny. He sought nothing for himself and was there fore able to teach others.
"The method he chose," said Kung-Fu Yu, "was the same as he used for everything else, namely to go back to the beginning and discover the fundamental, because if you know that you stand a good chance of putting things right." His starting place was motive. His basic unit was the family, which then established groups of families. To govern what became a nation he relied on love and good example, on virtue rather than force. The golden rule is not to go against nature, and this has been given such names as truth, consciousness, sensitivity, moderation, reasonableness, integrity, life and love.
Looking for something to do, the narrator starts a clinic for dogs. Ying gives it the name of LOVE-DOG SHOP. The task of curing sick dogs and making other dogs healthier gives the narrator opportunity to set forth some of his latter day Kung-Fu Se views: Health is habit. The Georgians of Russia live long because they dwell in villages and adhere to the rules. Sex and marriage wait until about 30. The family system is strong. To be fat is to be ill. The healthy eat slowly and chew well. The diet consists of a little meat or fish once or twice a week with lots of vegetables and fruit. Sugar is not eaten, only a little honey, and leftovers are thrown away. Fresh air, sunshine, exercise and spring water are health essentials. Food is to be eaten in its natural state from animal or the ground and preferably un cooked. All parts of animals are to be eaten. Milk is not to be heated or treated.
As for a healthy mind, that grows out of peace, acceptance of the inevitable, casting out of fear, resistance of pressures, reliance on the ethical code for security and the development of Yoga for the creation of our own mental kingdom.
There is a great deal more of this, especially about diet, and also a mention of acupuncture.
Chippy, the narrator's dog, is found dead and dismembered outside the clinic. The killing was carried out by the sons of Kung Fu Lu at their father's behest. Kung-Fu Lu admits his responsibility, then apparently wills him self to die without revealing his motive. Ying and the narrator had planned to marry. At this point the narrator comes to believe that the fates are pursuing all who love him, and that it will be the same with Ying. He discusses it with Kung-Fu Yu, who says that in the end Ying will have to make her own decision. If she agrees, the narrator is to depart the island.
Ying leaves the clinic for home and the narrator starts packing for departure. In his despair, he throws himself on the bed. Ying returns and pledges never to leave him. "We did not argue further," the book concludes. "Instead we quickly fell asleep to wake into another world."
With all its weaknesses, the story has special points of interest for those interested in China and the Confucian way of life. There are many parallels, some Biblical rather than Confucian. Kung-Fu Se is obviously Confucius. Kung Fu Yu could be Dr. Sun Yat-sen or Chiang Kai-shek. Kung-Fu Lu is bad but not completely evil and unrepentant. Ying is the perfect helpmeet. Those who leave Utopia are fallen angels leaving paradise. The narrator is autobiographical.
Utopia is not attainable, nor are its people more than shadows. One could wish, though, that this Utopia might be reached, and that the author had given us a clearer view of those who might live in such a place.
THE OVERSEAS CHINESE IN NEW ZEALAND
By Stuart W. Greif
Asia Pacific Press, Singapore 1974, 192 pp., no price
Reviewed by Chen Pin
Not many doctoral dissertations get published. Those that do tend to make dull reading. This small volume is an exception, provided (l) the reader is interested ill the overseas Chinese of Southeast Asia and the South Pacific. The Chinese of New Zealand - some 12,000 of them could be defined as the exception that proves many rules about the overseas Chinese.
The research was done and the book written in partial fulfillment of the Ph.D. requirements of the Department of Political Science at the University of California at Berkeley. Four years of work went into the project; the author was also teaching political science at the University of Otago in Dunedin during this period.
Chinese first reached New Zealand in the 1860s. They were Cantonese but they came largely from California and Australia and were drawn by the discovery of gold at Otago. Later immigrants came directly from Kwangtung. Chinese in New Zealand numbered 1,219 in 1867 and 4,816 in 1874. These initial settlers had little contact with Europeans and that mostly negative. Although they were victims of discrimination, the white man's law spoke somewhat more eloquently for all in New Zealand than in Australia and California.
New Zealand has no China towns. There are not even shops catering exclusively to Chinese. Big cities are far and few between and tenements unknown. This has resulted in a stronger emphasis on cultural assimilation than is to be found in most over seas Chinese communities. The child probably still speaks Chinese as a toddler but at 3 he goes to a pre-school and at 5 into the public school system with Europeans and Maoris. Dr. Greif thinks the Chinese language will be entirely lost except to the elderly in another generation.
"The Nationalist Chinese Embassy," he writes, "had attempted to spread knowledge of Chinese culture and heritage, but it met with little success. It naturally would have liked to have emphasized the study of the national language, Kuo Yu, but the narrow Cantonese will not have it. The older generation is usually too ignorant to learn much, and the younger generation refuses to see any practical value in it."
The Chinese Communists arrived in 1973 but accomplished little. The Chinese of New Zealand want none of them - a fact which Greif attributes in part to Am bassador Konshin Shah, who is credited with "sincerity of action and helpfulness on a whole range of subjects."
Dr. Greif carried out a study of Chinese public opinion. The strongest feelings concerned marriage, the rearing of children and cooking. On these scores, the Chinese wish to remain Chinese. They are less dogmatic about the Chinese language (which to them means Cantonese).
Assimilation has already reached a point where younger Chinese "have no inhibitions about taking their just place in Zealand society and business."
The overseas Chinese of New Zealand have a warm regard for the Republic of China. Nearly 57 per cent of them responded favorably to the ROC, compared with less than 5 per cent who showed a favorable attitude to ward the Chinese Communists. Greif remarks: "The Taiwan (ROC) Embassy had few active Chinese New Zealand enemies be cause it had not been aggressive nor has it interfered in the normal process of assimilation and acculturation."
Texts of interviews with 10 Chinese "case studies" are included in the volume. One respondent, a 74-year-old man, said that in time to come, the Chinese may be able to return to Kwangtung - "when the Communists are gone and when China lives in peace without imperialist neighbors. This will be a China that will attract even the young who cannot speak Cantonese." The Jews, he said, waited 2,000 years. "We have been waiting only some 20 years."
In an Epilogue, the author indicates his strong disapproval of New Zealand recognition of the Chinese Communists. Ambassador "Shah," he writes, "and his family left New Zealand with a far greater number of well-wishers - all of them New Zealanders: MPs, business people, ordinary civilians, members of the Chinese community, people of all races - than those on hand to greet the Chinese Communist diplomatic advance party or its ambassador."
"In the final analysis," he ask, "did the almost pathological, maladroit and hysterical ousting of Taiwan do anything for New Zealand's image abroad. Were the members of the one-time abused and now definitely ignored Chinese community in New Zealand so insignificant that their strong feelings were not taken into consideration? ... The very last thing that the New Zealand Chinese wanted was a strong Chinese embassy in Wellington, Communist, Nationalist or otherwise."