In making my political report to the 11th National Congress of our Party today, I am deeply aware that by holding our meeting at this particular time we may be carrying on our heritage and paving the way for events to come.
In the last more than 80 years, our Party has carried out many historic tasks. These have included the revolution leading to the establishment of the Republic, the annihilation of traitors in defense of the provisional constitution, the Northward Expedition for national unification, the suppression of the Communists and the War of Resistance Against Japan. In all of these tasks we have invariably placed our faith and reliance first on Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the Tsungli, and then on President Chiang Kai-shek, the Tsungtsai. Today, in fulfilling the Tsungli's and the Tsungtsai's unfinished endeavors of national recovery and reconstruction, we must consider Dr. Sun Yat-sen's philosophy as our spiritual Tsungli and President Chiang Kai-shek's teachings as our spiritual Tsungtsai. Yet from now on the completion of the National Revolution based on San Min Chu I (Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Three Principles of the People) will have to depend on the contributions of our comrades as a whole. Our compatriots at home and abroad must contribute their intelligence, their sweat and their lives so that we can combine the struggles of Party members and the masses into a huge alliance - a huge alliance of great wisdom, great benevolence and the great courage of all Chinese - and win the final and glorious victory for the Party.
We know that Dr. Sun took up the leadership of the National Revolution to establish the Republic at a time when China was suffering from the compounded pressure of Manchu despotism and imperialist aggression. We also know that President Chiang succeeded in the Northward Expedition for national unification only after he had broken through the compounded obstacles of fragmentation by warlords acting under the aegis of the imperialists and Chinese Communist attempts of usurpation abetted by the Communists abroad. The victory in the eight-year War of Resistance Against Japan also had to be won against compounded thrusts combining the ferocious attack of Japanese militarists and the subversive collaboration of Chinese Communists, Russian Communists, traitors and renegades. Both the Tsungli and the Tsungtsai devoted their lives to the bitter struggle and thus could overcome all difficulties and transform all setbacks into successes. Today, we are still faced by the pitfalls of compounded squeezes, chicanery and Machiavellianism to be found in the wickedness of the Chinese Communists, the sinister sabotage of Communist fellow travelers and the mental confusion of people in the free world. But because the spirit of the Tsungli and the Tsungtsai is with us always, "above us and around us," we have the confidence and the courage to break through all manner of difficulties and attain our objective, just as they did.
From its establishment, the Kuomintang has had a strong sense of responsibility for the destiny of China and the unselfish desire to accomplish its mission. The soul of the Party on which we depend is identified with the spirit of the 72 martyrs enshrined at Yellow Flower Mound who heralded the establishment of the Republic of China. It is also identified with the spirit of the Whampoa cadets who marched northward with 500 rifles to unify the country, the spirit of the gallant 800 fighters who resisted the Japanese at the Godown of the Four Banks in Shanghai during the War of Resistance, the spirit of the 500 anti-Communist warriors who gave their lives at Taiyuan, and with the spirit of the Kinmen defenders who fought the Kuningtou and the August 23 (1958) battles against a numerically superior foe. Emulating these feats have been the great nationalistic deeds of such brave fighters as Lien Ya-tang, Chiu Tsang-hai, Lo Fu-hsing, Yu Ching-fang, Weng Chun-min and the aborigines of Wushe who resisted Japanese tyranny in Taiwan. The spirit of the 16 million civilians and soldiers of Taiwan who, since the retrocession of Taiwan to China, have determinedly dedicated themselves and spared no sacrifices in the great undertakings of constructing this bastion, opposing Communism and recovering the mainland, has in fact, further brightened the eternal soul of the Party, whose sole and constant concern is to carry on the National Revolution to the very end.
Inspired and guided by our great leader and the soul of our Party, we have another sturdy reliance: that of San Min Chu I.
Our Min Tsu Chu I (Principle of Nationalism) is based on ethical human nature. So the Tsungli said: "No one would like to hear that our people will be defeated and vanquished. They would like to hear that the people will live and triumph. This is an innate human thought." It is true that the Min Tsu Chu I advocates the vigor of the people, but it is also true that it opposes any bullying of the weak by the strong or mistreatment of the minority by the majority. Additionally, it seeks to help the weak and the vanquished and to right what is wrong in external affairs.
Min Chuan Chu I (Principle of Democracy) is based on the concept of human rights. It is a "rationale of open human society." The Tsungli believed that the world of our time is one in which democracy prevails. He stressed that genuine democracy can only be realized by making the people powerful and the government competent. He said:
"My Min Chuan Chu I has two decisive elements: first it is democracy, and second it is the belief that mobocracy simply does not work."
Min Sheng Chu I (Principle of the People's Livelihood) is based on man's material needs. So it is said that "the crux of history is to be found in the people's livelihood." We all know that capitalism has its shortcomings in that as time has passed the rich have become richer and the poor have become poorer. In capitalistic countries, governments aware of current developments and people concerned about them have enforced such measures as heavy taxation to limit the wealth of the rich and to assure the livelihood of the poor in conjunction with social welfare programs. This is a move toward the objective of our Min Sheng Chu I. As to Communism, even during its experimental stage in Soviet Russia, it brought hunger, death, terror and extreme suffering to the people. This compelled the Russian Communists to adopt the so-called New Economic Policy and further revise the economic structure of Marxism-Leninism. But the Russians cannot cut this Gordian knot under the conditions of their ideology. In the world of today, all countries both capitalist and Communist have "revised" their positions in greater or lesser degree, rightward or leftward. This has confirmed the Tsungli's point that Min Sheng Chu I will inevitably dominate the 20th century scene.
The Chinese Communists are so insensate as to single-mindedly attempt to make our compatriots on the Chinese mainland their slaves and beasts of burden in their experimentation with Marxism-Leninism. When the people of Poland and Hungary were rising up on behalf of freedom and democracy, the Chinese Communists supported the Soviet Union in armed suppression. When the French and Italian Communist parties and others proposed to throw off the yoke of Marxism-Leninism, the Chinese Communists shamelessly boasted that they were the sole heirs of Marxism Leninism-Stalinism. The Chinese Communists are the most reactionary adverse tide against humanity and also the most vicious archenemy of humankind. Our San Min Chu I is a beacon of humanity and the common objective of humankind in the 20th century. We can count on the support of the broad masses of the people and we have dedicated men to work for our goal in the right place and at the right time. So we are confident we can defeat the enemy and implement San Min Chu I throughout our country.
After 27 years of cold-blooded suppression, depredation, struggle and killing, the Chinese Communists have turned the mainland into a hell of terrorism, suspicion, ubiquitous backwardness and stupidity which surpasses imagination and the endurance point of mankind. But our compatriots on the mainland have shown that they will never bow to brute force or succumb to dictatorship. Even before the death of Mao Tse-tung, typical ideological resistance had erupted in the form of a big character poster by Li Yi-che and the Tienanmen riot of 100,000 persons. Now that Chou En-lai, Chu Teh and Mao Tse-tung have died one after another, the great power seizure, great disruption and great disturbance on the mainland are being transformed into a heartless pogrom. On top of this came one of the world's most cataclysmic earthquakes, which devastated North China, western Yunnan, southern Shensi and northern Szechwan not long ago and from which recovery is not yet complete, as well as seven Yellow River floods in Honan and Shantung. The Chinese Communists have even taken advantage of these natural disasters to aggravate their man-made disaster of the "anti-leftist" and "anti-rightist" power struggle. How can our compatriots of the mainland put up with this? Since we are the blood relatives of our compatriots and have a strong sense of responsibility, our hearts are seared with pain.
Ironically, most of the people of the world are tempted to divide the Chinese Communists into "radical" and "moderate" factions. They even go so far as to deceive themselves and others by classifying anyone who might reportedly gain and hold power as "moderates" or "middle-of-the-roaders." In fact, if anyone seizes power on the mainland, other Communist chieftains will charge him with "rebelling," "engineering a coup," "traveling the capitalist road" or "engaging in leftist opportunism" in order to remove him and drag him out for struggle the moment he refuses to go along with them. The relationship between one handful of Communist chieftains and another is summed up in the struggle between the powerholders and the power seizers, in the struggle to "reverse the verdict," to "profiteer" and to "settle old scores," and in the endless struggle considered by the Chinese Communists to be absolutely necessary simply because there are 800 million people. Such appellations as "moderates," "capitalist roaders," "leftists liners" and "rightist liners" merely provide a pretext for more struggle and killing. In substance, all of these are trying to make use of the Marxist-Leninist trickery of "Mao thought" and the "Mao system." All of them are seeking to deceive and bury the free world.
Here I must point out that the Chinese Communists are deliberately attempting to hoodwink the people of the world with the "one stone, two birds" trick.
One approach is to argue that nuclear war between the two superpowers (the United States and Russia) is inevitable so that the United States will be tempted to seek "detente" with the USSR on the one hand and alliance with the Chinese Communists to restrain Russia on the other. This trick obviously is intended to involve the United States in various contradictions in its relations with Russia and Red China. The objective is to sow seeds of tragedy for the United States.
Another version of the trick is to maintain that the two enemies of humankind - the Russian Communists and the Chinese Communists - have deployed vast armed forces along the border area and that this will inevitably lead to a shooting war. This is also a Chinese Communist undertaking to further and perpetuate the U.S. desire to seek "alliance with the Chinese Communists to restrain Russia" and at the same time to allow the Chinese Communists to bluff the Soviet Union by sticking close to the United States.
To be specific, the Chinese Communists are playing these tricks in the hope of killing people with the hands of others. They want to use the United States to checkmate the Russians while they carry out their own notorious desire to oppose the Russians in the Communist bloc while also becoming the leader of the "Third World." Their clamor against hegemony is the old trick of raising a hue and cry. They want to conceal themselves and shout from behind the United States, but they will never come out in the open and hurl themselves against the Russians as proxy for the United States. This is the medium-range and long-range strategy of the Chinese Communists for passing along the disaster and pulling down the United States. Admittedly, it is also hard to imagine that the United States is willing to be used as the shield of the Chinese Communists, thereby getting hurt along with the Russians. The Chinese Communists are capricious and treacherous. At a critical moment, they may engage in the most sinister of intrigues against the U.S. imperialists they are eager to bury. Then the United States would face the dilemma of being attacked in the front and at the rear by forces of its own making. At that time, it would be too late for regrets.
In trying to use others to kill, the Chinese Communists are trying to persuade the United States to weaken the Republic of China and isolate us in the international community. They hope to compel the United States to undermine its own collective security system, to undermine the confidence of other nations in the American stand on behalf of freedom and justice, and to undermine the last U.S. security bulwark, thereby creating a "great disorder" throughout the world. This is the Chinese Communist short-range united front conspiracy of "uniting as well as struggling."
To make things even clearer, the Chinese Communists now have two enemies: the Republic of China and the United States. They regard the existence of the Republic of China as the worst of their worries, because this existence threatens their internal rule. They are fully aware that the hearts of the people on the mainland are a vast asset for us and a dreadful liability for them. Each day that the Republic of China continues to exist is a day that strikes fear in Chinese Communist hearts. They have ceaselessly plotted to get rid of this danger. As for the United States, it is regarded as their No. 1 enemy. How can the Chinese Communists hope to dominate the world if they do not defeat this enemy? It is true that if they can destroy the United States, they can win the whole world. They know they do not have the strength to destroy the United States, and they believe that they do not need to use force against the United States, so they are trying to drive the American imperialists into their trap and bury them through use of their so-called "two-handed revolutionary strategy."
In point of fact, the Tsungtsai told the 10th National Congress:
"If the United States ignores Russian and Chinese Communist tactics, sticks to a strategy of passivity and gambles its own and the free world's security for a submissive, self-deceiving and phony peace, it will in a few years find itself faced by an unimaginably passive and disadvantageous strategic position." Actual developments of the past have borne out the Tsungtsai's prediction. For the last six or seven years, the United States has pursued a policy of "replacing confrontation with negotiation." In philosophy, political system, need and interests, the United States and the Peiping regime are totally incompatible. The ultimate interest of the Chinese Communists is the removal of its No.1 enemy, the United States, whose defeat it has urged and is still urging.
Countries of the free world are supposed to depend on and help one another. The various collective security systems and mutual defense treaties do not benefit any specific country or side. To the contrary, an alliance or treaty will benefit all of the countries involved. So the United States, as leader of the free nations, should regard interdependence as an asset and not a liability. It should not undermine its allies of today and yield to the pressures of its enemy of tomorrow. It should not even for a moment think of making the former a chip in its gamble for fruitless and abnormal "normalization of relations" with the latter so it might "unite with the Chinese Communists to restrain the Russians." I am afraid developments could take a turn such as that set forth in the Bible: "Or what man is there of you, whom if his son ask for bread, will be give him a stone?" "Or if he ask a fish, will be give him a serpent?" To do so would prolong the suffering of all enslaved peoples and compel the United States to book an enormous historic liability. The United States is still the more powerful superpower. We hope it will abandon detente in favor of the initiative of "seeking peace through strength." Otherwise, the free world will ask, as in First Corinthians of the Bible: "For if the trumpet give an uncertain sound, who shall prepare himself to the battle?"
I believe the only solution to the problems of today is for the two great peoples of the United States and the Republic of China to unite with other countries of the Asian-Pacific region in order to seek and ensure world peace today and tomorrow. Although the American people are of the West and the Chinese people are of the East, each is a main pillar of the free world democratic structure, especially in the Asian-Pacific region. We have a common faith in human justice. We have cooperated in the past, and today we are still allies. In all these matters we have been united. Regardless of what happens, we believe that only the China founded on San Min Chu I is the bonafide friend of the United States, the leader of the free world. And only the China of the San Min Chu I is the bonafide friend of all the nations that do not yield to the Russian and Chinese Communist threats in Asia, Africa, Latin America and other places. On our part, it is thus the bounden duty of the Kuomintang, the government of the Republic of China and the 800 million people in front of and behind the enemy lines always to remain in the democratic camp and join hands to recover the mainland so we can establish a China based on San Min Chu I. This would provide a core nation in Asia to assure peace and justice and to help weak and vanquished countries. Russia and the rest of the Communist bloc could be held in check and all of the free nations could be assured of their future. This is to say that only when the United States and the Republic of China can fulfill their responsibilities for the maintenance and assurance of freedom, peace and justice can all the world and humankind enjoy the happiness of democracy and freedom.
No one can deny that in the last more than 80 years, the comrades of our Party have, under the leadership of the Tsungli and the Tsungtsai, unceasingly demonstrated our faith in San Min Chu I, our dedication to our leaders, and our conscience and love for our own country and humanity.
- First, we ended the despotic rule of the Manchu court, founded a new China by giving sovereignty to the people, swept away the remnants of the imperial sys tem, established an epoch-making ideological system for national construction and raised the first national banner of democracy in Asia.
- Then we quelled the turmoil of the warlords, stopped the ferocious Japanese aggression and, as pioneers and heralds, inspired Asia and Africa with the courage for national determination.
- Additionally, we were the rust to expose the evil of the wicked Communists. We have carried on the struggle for freedom and justice, solemnly separated the free nations from the Communist bloc and fought the opening battle in the war against Communism and slavery.
- Especially, we have never ceased to defend our national culture and to adhere to democratic and constitutional rule. With our accomplishments in economic construction based on Ming Sheng Chu I, we have remedied the shortcomings of capitalism, cleansed the poison of Communism and proved that ours is the right course of development for human nature.
No one can distort or decimate historical fact. The revolutionary tasks of the Party in the past, the present and the future are consistent. Our party has not only decided the history of the Chinese people, but has changed the history of all mankind. To the end that we may thoroughly carry out the revolutionary task envisaged in San Min Chu I, we have persevered and never relaxed for even a moment. We Chinese people have all the confidence and strength required to serve as the cornerstone of the edifice of freedom, democracy and justice.
Ours is a political party of revolution and democracy. At first glance, revolution and democracy may seem not be related. Applying deeper perception, we can see that they are the same thing. Ours is a selfless Party dedicated to all the people. It is adamantly opposed to the dictatorship of one class in the name of all the people. The future of China rests on the conscience of all the Chinese; the destiny of China must be decided by all the Chinese. The Revolution is our responsibility in assuring democracy, and democracy is our consistent goal to be striven for regardless of all sacrifices. To put it another way, we need the revolutionary spirit in the democratic process, and we call for revolutionary democracy in the course of revolution. We launched the revolution for democracy and we are continuing the revolution to safeguard democracy.
Even at this moment of revolutionary struggle, we are still determined to carry out democratic and constitutional rule. We are assuredly not pursuing democracy without principle. There is no reason why our efforts should not be praised by all the peoples of the world. We are making the revolution for democracy. In the last more than 80 years, we have always adhered to our moral principles. There is no reason for anyone to distort our dedication.
And yet, in our persistent quest of democracy, we continue to suffer from the slanderous charges of the overly critical.
In carrying on the revolution, we still have to bear with isolation in our moral bastion in the face of various adverse challenges.
This is to say that our sorrow is compounded and continuous. All of us are required to demonstrate our maximum revolutionary courage and our determined revolutionary morality. Looking around us, we can scarcely find a country in the world which adheres to its principles. Only the Kuomintang and the government of the Republic of China have never abandoned our conscientious attitude toward history and the times, regardless of all the adversities looming before us and all the buffetings we had to endure. Nor have we changed our consistent principle, for which we have been prepared to accept any and all blows. We have been prepared to suffer to the maximum in order to adhere to the principle of being right, of being foresighted and of being determined in our minds. We have truly lived up to the moral requirement befitting all upright members of a political party devoted to revolutionary democracy, as imposed upon us by our Tsungli when he said: "Never yield to force and never yield to temptation."
The construction and war preparations we are undertaking here on our bastion today adhere to the basic principles of revolutionary democracy and self-reliance required in the course of the National Revolution. In concrete terms, these principles are:
- To gear all our efforts to the interest and needs of the people.
- To gear all our efforts to the achievement of progress in our programs for national recovery and national reconstruction.
In political construction, our basic intention is to make public our policy, plans, targets and approaches sincerely so that all the people will know what we are doing. This is to say that we shall unfold the book of our national administration in view of the people, so that everyone will know the resources we have, the strength we possess, the effects of our efforts and the prospect before us. Even more important, we recognize that the people are the masters and we are their public servants. The Party and the government carry out their work in accordance with the wishes of the people; we do not work in order for the people to obey the orders of the Party. This means that we are glad to have the criticism of the people, because objective criticism will help us correct our faults. We shall tolerate differing views so long as they do not violate our basic national policy. We know that the obtaining of similar results from differing viewpoints is a correct and normal exercise of democracy. This is the basic attitude of the ruling Party in establishing a political norm of openness and in assuring a democratic order that is rational.
In construction to improve the livelihood of the people, our policy is based on the Tsungli's teaching: "The primary task of construction is to improve the people's livelihood." Our goal is the "equality of wealth" that the Tsungtsai instructed us to obtain. We must understand that the Min Sheng Chu I advocates the regulation of capital but opposes the removal of capital. It stands for equalization of land ownership but opposes the termination of land ownership. So it may be said that the goal of Min Sheng Chu I is not to make everyone equally poor but to make everyone equally wealthy. However, we know that to make people wealthy first and to equalize their wealth later may cause us to repeat the capitalist errors and that to equalize wealth first and make the people wealthy later will surely slow the pace of national prosperity. The evil Communists seek only to make the people equally poor and believe that to be equally wealthy is intolerable. To achieve the goal of our construction program to improve the people's livelihood and advance the national economy - to make the people equally wealthy - we seek equalization as the people are gaining in wealth and seek to make them wealthy at the same time we are equalizing their wealth. The two aspects are to be dealt with at the same time and without setting any priority. In doing so, we shall take attainable and reasonable economic measures to use national resources effectively, to enable everyone to demonstrate his talent to the full, to give priority to remote areas in economic development, to raise the income of those in the lowest income bracket and to require self-restraint in tendencies toward luxury and extravagance. This rational approach and this restraint on materialistic desires combine to provide a precondition to our policy of making improvement of the people's livelihood the primary task in construction. The gap between the wealth of the top 20 per cent of the people and the bottom 20 per cent here in our bastion of freedom has been narrowed from the proportion of 15 to I to the proportion of 4.4 to 1 in the last two decades. If we can continue to move in this direction, we are confident of being able to attain the ideal of Min Sheng Chu I and assure a most secure, wholesome, healthy and vigorous society.
We believe that cultural construction, psychological construction and social construction are interrelated. The Tsungtsai specifically told us: "In style, education of the schools should go hand in hand with social education; in substance, ideological education should go hand in hand with education of the personality, moral education and vocational education; in timing, short-term training should go hand in hand with basic education." Today's main emphasis in cultural and psychological construction is the fundamental restoration of our intellectual and moral heritage and the renewal of confidence and the sense of responsibility among our people. We should rededicate ourselves to the thorough practice of the "New Life Movement" and the overall realization of the "Cultural Renaissance Movement" to accelerate our cultural construction and consolidate our psychological construction. This is actually essential to social construction, because benevolent and fraternal culture and psychological determination are the motive force of social insurance, social welfare, social relief, social development, social mores and the full employment of our people. In this respect, we must show positive respect for knowledge and wisdom, definitely maintain human dignity, insist on morality and ensure all human freedoms and rights so that our open society can be made still more open and our free society can be made still more free.
For national defense and war preparations, the last 27 years has been a time of precious opportunity. Our construction in national defense is intended to protect the livelihood of the people, and our construction to improve the people's livelihood is in turn coupled with the strengthening of our national defense. We long have had the ability to make heavy weapons and we have steadily modernized our equipment. However, we shall not make nuclear weapons. At the same time, we must be psychologically prepared so that we shall not fear nuclear war, and we must have the spirit and the daring to do our utmost to prevent nuclear war. We thoroughly understand that in a war of extreme benevolence against extreme wickedness, the spiritual is more important than the material and faith is more important than force. We are united in our hearts and high in our spirits. At this time, every well-trained soldier and reservist has the great spirit of self-reliance and the incentive to save the country and the people. I know that when the time is ripe, they will be the first to fight and the last to surface as heroes, and they will transform their struggle into an earthshaking operation.
The Tsungtsai told us that in the counterattack for national recovery we should devote 30 per cent of our strength to military operations and 70 per cent to political activities, and 30 per cent to activities in front of the enemy lines and 70 per cent behind the lines. This identifies the war of counterattack for national recovery as:
- An all-people war, in which Chinese of all races and tribes are opposed to the handful of Communist chieftains;
- A thorough-going war in which we must carry out our revolutionary tasks to the very end;
- An all-out war, in which there will be no distinction between home front and overseas operations, or between operations in front of and behind the enemy lines; and
- A total war, in which all military, political, economic, social, cultural and other strengths - visible or invisible - must be mobilized.
Ours is a selfless ruling Party for all the people of the whole nation. If the Kuomintang should fall, no Chinese could extricate himself from the disastrous fiasco, the effects of which would last forever. If the Kuomintang succeeds, this will be a success of the whole nation and all the people and the blessings will surely be everlasting. All of us can be assured that our Party will never fail and that its eventual success is assured. Some foreigners say that the China problem will be solved by the Chinese and by time. We may say that the China problem will be solved by the hearts of Chinese at home and abroad, because the more tests there are for human hearts, the clearer the division will be between loyalty and treason, and the sharper the distinction will be between right and wrong. The fiercer the struggle on the Chinese mainland and the worse the terrorism, the quicker the collapse of the Communist regime. The more thoroughly San Min Chu I is implemented, the happier will be life under democracy and freedom, and the sharper will be the contrast between benevolence and violence.
In truth, Communist slavery and dictatorship are most strongly opposed by Communist Party members, Communist soldiers and Communist cadres who have long enough been deceived, persecuted, struggled against and tortured. They are much like the "new force" of Canton, Wuchang and other places of the past. The Tsungtsai's instruction of 70 per cent political activities and 70 per cent behind-the-enemy-lines operations is 100 per cent correct.
Furthermore, the expression "30 per cent of military operations" actually is used relative to political activities. In the purely military sense, we cannot defeat the enemy unless we use 100 per cent of our strength, and even then there is the danger of defeat. The expression "70 per cent of political activities" is also used relative to military operations. In political activities themselves, we cannot hope to attain the goal of winning human hearts unless we exert 100 per cent of our strength. The Tsungli said: "Unless my colleagues combat difficulties with their whole spirit and all their strength, all of our past efforts will become fruitless." We must have a clear understanding of this.
Mao Tse-tung's death has closed out his evil era and may advance the day of victory and success in our endeavors of national recovery. But the fierce and cunning remnants of Mao thought and the Mao system will still put up a stubborn fight. It is unlikely that they may be defeated at one stroke. We can therefore never allow ourselves to take the enemy lightly. Nor may we permit ourselves to be arrogant and careless. Rather, we should realize that the recovery and reconstruction of the mainland pose an unprecedentedly heavy and historic burden for our Party. We must be prepared to shed our blood and fight a bitter war before winning the victory and achieving success.
At this point, I wish to solemnly declare:
No matter what may be the result of the capricious struggle to decide the leader of the Peiping regime, we shall regard the No. 1 chieftain as our No. 1 enemy. Except for battlefield contact in the shape of a bullet, we shall have nothing to do with him.
Regardless of how the international situation may change, we shall always remain in the democratic camp and insist on our revolutionary character. We shall never engage in any Machiavellian or undercover dealings with the Communist bloc.
We are determined to oppose any international arrangement opposed to our national policy. We shall never seek a breathing spell or temporary respite under so-called "goodwill" or "guarantee" arrangements. We shall maintain our courage and stick to the task of mainland recovery from beginning to end. We shall never desist until we have attained our goal.
We regard the uprising of mainland compatriots for self-salvation as an act of anti-Communism. We regard Communist soldiers and cadres as the patriotically awakened, provided they get rid of the traitors and rise up against tyranny. We shall recognize the deeds and identities of all noble-hearted anti-Communists and the patriotically awakened. Additionally, we shall take the initiative to give them prompt and sufficient support so that we may join forces to surround the enemy. We shall even regard those anti-Communist elements which under the circumstances cannot defect openly as forces friendly to us and will maintain close contact and cooperate with them.
Our comrades deployed behind the enemy lines will appear at the side of our spiritual comrades and will make arrangements to receive them in honor of their joining with us in spiritual alliance. We believe that we all share exactly the same conscience of patriotism.
We pledge the immediate abolition of all ideological, political and economic controls, exactions, persecutions and all forms of terrorism in every province and county on the mainland, including the frontier districts, as soon as these are recovered.
Land which the farmers are tilling will not be returned to the original landlords. We shall abolish Communist "collectivism." We shall allocate the land of the "people's communes" to the actual tillers, and this farmland will become the property of the tillers.
Houses which are now occupied will not be returned to the original owners. These houses will no longer be publicly owned; those who currently occupy them will become their owners.
Factories will not be returned to their original proprietors. The Communist "state factories," with the exception of these of a monopolistic nature, which will have to be operated by the government and wherein the rights and interests of the workers will nonetheless be safeguarded, will be converted to private enterprise. Those who are now working for them will become commonwealth shareholders. This principle will also apply to factories jointly operated by the state and private sectors, if any. The individuals concerned will thus share in the ownership.
All people and purged Communist cadres who have been sent down to frontier areas and to labor camps will be returned to the places whence they came in accordance with their own wishes. The government will provide all necessary assistance for their return and assume responsibility for their resettlement.
To make our intention clear, the consistent policy of our Party is to "make everyone an owner of resources and to enable everyone to enjoy the fruits of construction." This is to say that everyone has the freedom to assume responsibility for his property, to choose his job, to receive education without discrimination and to live with family members without fear of separation. In other words, all can enjoy the freedoms set forth in the Constitution of the Republic of China.
These are not empty words.
They are solemn pledges made by our Party. They are not political oratory. They represent our sincere dedication to our compatriots and are pledges of our respon'sibility in the great undertaking of national recovery. Our Party has infinite love and a deep sense of responsibility not only for the people on the mainland, but also for the 20 million Chinese living overseas. For years, the overseas Chinese have contributed their wisdom, material strength and money to the country and have dealt blows to Chinese Communist "united front" conspiracies. However, the government has been able to fulfill only a small fraction of its responsibility to serve overseas Chinese communities and promote their welfare. This is especially so in countries that have severed diplomatic relations with us. Our hearts are· uneasy about this. Nevertheless, more and more overseas Chinese are returning to this country to work, invest and study. On the occasion of the national celebrations, they return - young and old - to their motherland, and find the soil here fragrant and the hospitality assured. Whenever I see overseas Chinese who have returned from faraway places, I have mixed feelings of encouragement and shame. The "Overseas Chinese are the mother of our Revolution." We are all the more likely to realize the truth of these words when we encounter difficulties in our Revolution.
What I must emphatically point out here is the fact that the 16 million soldiers and civilians in this bastion of freedom are related to the ruling Party and the Central Government by ties of flesh and blood, and that they are loyal to each other through thick and thin in our common endeavor.
Together we have endured unceasing blows for the last 27 years, and we have borne up under this buffeting when others thought we could not. We have demonstrated our dignity and self reliance, our calm in time of adversity and our fortitude and perseverance.
We have also undergone 27 years of testing which has shown that San Min Chu I is the only means by which the nation can be made strong and the people wealthy. The spirit embodied in the Tsungli's industrialization plan has been representatively materialized in the Ten Major Construction Projects. Even before that, our 16 million people had attained a foreign trade volume larger than that of the 800 million people on the mainland.
Fully sharing our tribulations as brothers, we have in these last 27 years worked hard in political, economic, social, cultural and military construction. This is a hard fact that no one can deny.
This is neither myth nor miracle. The achievement is to the credit of the determination, perseverance, wisdom and the sweat and blood of the 16 million soldiers and civilians of this bastion of freedom - Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu. These 16 million people have rendered great service to the nation. They have won an important position in history and are adding a new page to history's record. They have indeed taken up the great and heavy burden of the Revolution and national recovery.
Today, with the 16 million soldiers and civilians in this bastion of freedom and the 20 million overseas Chinese uniting and coordinating their activities with the 800 million people of the mainland to fulfill their duties as Chinese citizens and their conscientious responsibility for the well-being of humankind, China can be saved from the disaster of Communism and returned to rank as a monolithic power of the free world.
We know that the one and a half million Party members have an even heavier responsibility. We know that:
Our Party members come not from a certain class but from the rank and file of all the Chinese people.
Our Party members are not initiated on the basis of "status," but on the basis 6f their revolutionary aspirations, their sincerity in rendering service and their faith in San Min Chu I.
Each Party member has his own work, his obligations and his willingness to make contributions to the nation and the people, but he does not have any privileges.
Our Party members are responsible to history. They have the martyrs as their exemplars but they do not pursue fame and position.
Our Party members must not stand out among the people but they must take the lead in working. They make others the paragons instead of taking credit onto themselves. They are willing to giving up their pleasures, and they enjoy making sacrifices.
Our Party members must possess a fervent revolutionary spirit and adequate democratic inclination and training. They must be free from affection, pessimism and the tendency to seek popularity with rousing statements. They must never regard themselves as extraordinarily important. They must encourage one another to foster their revolutionary spirit.
My Party comrades! All of you must consider yourselves as the vanguards of national recovery, strive to be the workers of national construction and endeavor to become sages of the Revolution. In other words, you must develop to the full your revolutionary spirit, set your revolutionary sights still higher and place the interests of the people and the welfare of society above all else. You must contribute all your light and warmth and transform these into new life for a Party that will be as full and enduring as the Yangtse or Yellow Rivers. The Tsungli said: "How to make China into a real republic? The way is to make the revolutionary Party into the cornerstone. So long as this cornerstone is in place, we can expect development without end. Think of a big tree. As long as the root is there, the tree may lose its leaves in the autumn and through the winter, but new leaves and branches will emerge the next spring and the tree will become ever more luxuriant. The Republic of China is the big tree and our Party is its root. We must be careful in cultivating this root." Although our compatriots of the mainland still live in the darkness of Chinese Communist tyranny, the tree of the Republic of China is growing sturdily in this bastion of freedom. Its branches and leaves are so luxuriant that it has extended its influence to the mainland. The people of the mainland, though still in the dark, can now see a ray of hope and rally their courage. This luxuriant growth represents the concentration of the spirit and the convergence of the strength of all members of the Party. It is the main reliance in calling upon the revolutionary force in this bastion of freedom and the revolutionary and patriotic forces on the mainland and abroad jointly to brave all dangers and surmount all difficulties in the creation of a Country that will be the most progressive, the most magnificent and the happiest in the world. Based on this reliance, we can generate the moral courage and the faith to carry on our heritage.
Comrades! Let us join in taking an oath in the presence of the souls of the Tsungli and the Tsungtsai at rest in heaven: We shall unite ourselves closely, heart to heart and shoulder to shoulder, and accept total responsibility for carrying out the great undertaking of national recovery and reconstruction, for assuring the continuance of our history and for ensuring the well-being of human kind.