Hsu Hsin-liang is a former chairman of the DPP, a position he held twice. He has served as a member of the Taiwan Provincial Assembly and as Taoyuan County chief. Last year, he resigned from the DPP in order to stand as an independent presidential candidate.
FCR: What makes you think you would be a good president?
Hsu Hsin-liang: I firmly believe that the Taiwanese people have the potential to exert enormous influence in the world of the twenty-first century. It is this belief that has governed my entire political career and kept me going. The American Jews who, by means of their professional skills, have played a major role in the USA's development, are some of the most influential people in the world, and the Taiwanese now have it in them to become their counterparts. Financial experts predict that mainland China will emerge as the biggest global economic force by the year 2015. Perhaps that's too optimistic, but her day will come sooner or later. From the vantage point of the special cross-strait relationship, Taiwan should expand its mainland markets and try to become a major force in mainland China's economy, maybe even in its political realm.
WTO membership will necessitate the three cross-strait direct links [communications, trade, and transportation], which has to mean an adjustment in the current "go slow, be patient" policy. I see it as inevitable that cross-strait issues will generate even greater concern within the international community. For the time being, Taiwanese can't hope to withstand the pressures for cross-strait talks coming from the new world order. This is an important issue that the next president will have to tackle.
The trend toward globalization will render the current independence-reunion dualism redundant. The other candidates in this election, through lack of foresight or from fear of alienating the electorate, have avoided spelling out explicit policies or concepts. I stand for new ideas. My intention is to paint a clear picture of Taiwan's future, and promote Taiwan's historical mission on the world stage.
Domestically, what needs to be done first?
In the new century, Taiwan will be confronted with a number of crises: cross-strait tensions, the ongoing decline of traditional businesses, and hostility between different ethnic groups. The main political parties keep harping on ethnic antagonisms, as a means of stimulating debate in this electoral campaign. That's why this antagonism, which lies at the heart of many current crises, still exists in our society. Taiwan's political parties are nothing but embodiments of ethnic hatred. We ought to form a new party, as a means of concentrating the forces that want to see genuine globalization. That's the only way to eradicate the legacy of ethnic antagonism handed down by the three major parties.
If cross-strait relations continue to be perceived in terms of ethnic hatred, then we'll be incapable of making sensible preparations for entering the mainstream of economic globalization as a competitive country in this century. We'll stay frozen in the independence-reunion dualism.
On that, how would you deal with cross-strait relations?
That's not an isolated issue; it's part of the whole world order. The most important step is to put the cross-strait issue into an international context where the USA's involvement is definitely a positive factor in our security. President Lee Teng-hui's idea of "special state-to-state relations," [KMT candidate] Lien Chan's proposal to build long-range missiles, and [DPP candidate] Chen Shui-bian's suggestion that Taiwan's bid for independence ought to be enshrined in the constitution all fail to take account of cross-strait tensions that may lead to a breakdown in negotiations, or even military conflict.
I support the idea of an interim agreement under which Taiwan and China maintain the status quo for a specific period. This scheme, unlike the "one country, two systems" concept, which is bound to bring immediate loss to Taiwan, is intended to stabilize the cross-strait situation for fifty years. It will be on the conditions that Taiwan will not declare independence, and China will not use military force to take the island. The internationally acknowledged one-China policy is unlikely to simply disappear, and we should try our best to pursue our own interests under that policy.
Chen Shui-bian and Lee Teng-hui believe that we can make decisions by ourselves, but that's an illusion. Advocacy of Taiwanese independence is blind to the pressures coming out of mainland China and to the universally acknowledged one -China policy. As for [independent candidate] James Soong, his stand on cross-strait issues is characterized by ambiguity. Stephen Chen, the head of the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office in the United States, recently admitted in the legislature that the state-to-state concept could affect the mutual trust between the United States and Taiwan. A political leader's reckless remarks can drive Taiwan into a tight corner in the international community.
What we can do is bolster our self-defense as far as the situation allows, and ensure our peaceful evolution within the international context. Without international approval, a war with the mainland will be the greatest danger that Taiwan can ever face. The weapons we buy from the USA are defensive in nature and, as such, limit our offensive capability. That is why the United States has never countenanced the manufacture of atomic bombs by Taiwan. Lien Chan's proposal to build long-range missiles is as dangerous as the "special state-to-state relationship" concept. Chen Shui-bian's suggestion that we develop a counterattack capability is simply not on. Taiwan must buy weapons from abroad because it is incapable of making them by itself or of undertaking the relevant research and development in secret.
I am the person who first issued a clarion call for Taiwan to "go West with courage." I want to establish the vital three cross-strait direct links and actively expand Taiwan's mainland markets. Many people worry that Beijing will manipulate Taiwan's economic connections with the mainland in order to achieve political goals, but that's why we want to join the World Trade Organization. As part of a multilateral institution, we will have arbiters to go to if Beijing tries to apply economic pressure. China is a huge market, more mature and well-established than those in Southeast Asia. Compared with Brazil and India--two other major emerging world markets--the mainland has the strongest economy. Many businesses are going to find that if they continue to stay in Taiwan, there are only two roads they can follow--grow progressively weaker, or go to the wall.
What factor would you say distinguishes you from other candidates?
A leader must have his or her individual ideas, coupled with genuine insights about important issues. My advantage over the other candidates lies in my foresight and in the fact that I speak the truth. Many of my creative ideas have been proved right. For example, I was the first person to propose pragmatic diplomacy; in May 1986, I foresaw the establishment of the opposition party [the DPP]; in 1993, I advocated the introduction of an old-age pension; and in 1994, I articulated the new world order. Other people don't even dare talk about these ideas. Even though I've had to take overwhelming criticism from my own [former] party [the DPP], I've stuck to my beliefs.
I speak the truth; that's what makes me different from other candidates.