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Taiwan Review

Rising Tension Over Constitutional Reform

March 01, 1994
Constitutional reform is expected to be one of the biggest news topics of 1994. The National Assembly, the only organ with the power to amend the constitution, is scheduled to convene in April to consider major revisions. Two of the Assembly’s main tasks are to clarify the governmental system and the relationships among the major branches of government. At the heart of these issues is the constitutional ambivalence over whether the ROC should follow a presidential or cabinet system of government. At present, it is not altogether clear who is in charge of the government, President Lee Teng-hui or Premier Lien Chan.

As the National Assembly prepares to meet, many people are concerned that the major political parties as well as a number of special interest groups seem intent upon playing politics with the con­stitution, giving rise to concerns about the ultimate fate of a document that has al­ready had a checkered history.

Practically speaking, five months af­ter the ROC Constitution took effect on December 25, 1947, its provisions were substantially redefined by a series of so­ called Temporary Provisions Effective During the Period of Communist Rebel­lion. During the emergency period of the communist uprising, extraordinary powers were vested in the Office of the President, effectively relegating the pre­miership to a highly subordinate role. At roughly the same time, martial law (euphemistically called the Emergency De­cree) further boosted the power of the president, Chiang Kai-shek.

The power of the president was not materially challenged until after President Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law in 1987, and President Lee Teng-hui, fol­lowing political liberalization policies be­gun by his predecessor, announced the termination of “the period of communist rebellion” in 1991. Also in 1991, the Na­tional Assembly abolished the Temporary Provisions and adopted ten new articles to the constitution. These articles provided the legal basis for electing a Second National Assembly (the first one had served more than four decades) at the end of 1991. A second constitutional convention, held in May 1992, adopted eight more articles, ad­dressing issues ranging from environment to government restructuring. When the Na­tional Assembly convenes in April, it will be taking yet another step in refining a document that has only recently been fol­lowed in its entirety.

Political observers are currently bet­ting that the National Assembly will de­cide on a clear shift to a presidential system. The cabinet system is seen as the less likely choice because the public clearly wants to elect its own president. And, at least for the time being, none of the major political parties claims that it prefers the cabinet system. All parties agree that the current system is vague and leads to complications. Moreover, the system by nature promotes a power strug­gle between the president and the premier.

The KMT leadership thinks that a clear presidential system is the best way to strengthen the ROC’s political struc­ture. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has favored the presidential system since 1991. Party leaders see direct, popu­lar election of the president as a short cut to power—a much less arduous and time­ consuming process, for example, than winning a majority of the seats in the Legislative Yuan. The Chinese New Party (CNP) does not object to the presidential system, in part because it recognizes that this is the form already preferred by the KMT and DPP. CNP leaders only propose that there be sufficient checks and bal­ances on presidential power.

No matter which government system the National Assembly decides to follow, political observers say that the KMT leader­ship prefers not to change the government’s five-power Yuan structure, comprising the Executive, Legislative, Judicial, Examina­tion, and Control branches. The party has also emphasized that the constitution should not be radically amended, or it will not win public respect.

Nevertheless, many people point out that the five-power government structure actually exists in name only. They fear that the current system is already a presi­dential system without the checks and balances. They worry that after the presi­dent is democratically elected—and par­ticularly if he simultaneously serves as the party chairman—he will have even more power than is given the president of the United States. Although the public is more confused than enlightened by many constitutional problems, the issue of checks and balances enjoys greater popu­lar clarity. Therefore, the decisions made by the National Assembly on this issue will no doubt be made in the glare of an exceptionally bright public spotlight. –Chen I-hsin and Wu Wen-cheng.

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