Vice Premier Shih Chi-yang is currently the Chairman of the Task Force on Hong Kong and Macau Affairs. He recently met with Deputy Editor-in-Chief Betty Wang and discussed the ROC's policy on Hong Kong and Macau. Excerpts follow:
FCR: What is the ROC government's stand on the sovereignty of Hong Kong and Macau?
Shih: Since the founding of the Republic of China, the government's consistent policy has been to abolish unequal treaties. We reserved the right to raise the issue of Hong Kong and Kowloon later when we signed a new treaty with Britain in January 1943. Following the communist takeover of the mainland and the British recognition of the Peking regime in January 1950, the recovery of Hong Kong and Kowloon has remained an unsettled issue for the ROC government.
When the Chinese Communist representatives signed agreements on Hong Kong and Macau with the British and the Portuguese governments in 1984 and 1987 respectively, the ROC Ministry of Foreign Affairs reiterated that Hong Kong and Macau from the beginning have been Chinese territories, and sovereignty over these territories belongs to the Republic of China. Any accord reached by the Chinese Communist regime and the British and Portuguese governments is null and void in the eyes of the people and government of the Republic of China.
FCR: What is the background of the Task Force on Hong Kong and Macau Affairs?
Shih: A special Hong Kong task force was initially formed by the Coordination Council on Foreign Affairs of the Executive Yuan in August 1983, and after the so-called "Sino-British Joint Declaration" on Hong Kong was signed at the end of September 1984, the task force was upgraded and became a coordinating panel directly under the Vice Premier. It was then called the Task Force on Hong Kong Affairs with the Vice Premier serving as its convener. Members of the task force included heads of all the ministries, commissions, and councils of the Executive Yuan concerned with Hong Kong affairs. Macau was included in the mandate of the task force when the Portuguese government and the Chinese Communist regime signed a joint declaration on the future of Macau in 1987. The name of the organization was thus changed to the Task Force on Hong Kong and Macau Affairs in August 1987.
FCR: In March 1989, the task force worked out a three-stage plan to deal with Hong Kong and Macau. What are the major points of the plan?
Shih: The March 1989 plan outlines our goals before 1990, from 1991 to 1997, and after 1997. We assess the likely scenarios at each stage and work out appropriate strategies to promote the well being of the people of Hong Kong and Macau. The key points of the plan are as follows:
First, in the interests of the Chinese people in Hong Kong and Macau, the ROC government will work to assure democracy, freedom, prosperity, and progress in the two areas.
Second, we will hold fast to our various institutions in Hong Kong and Macau and use them to disseminate the ideals of freedom and democracy to mainland China.
Third, we will counter the Chinese Communist use of Hong Kong and Macau as a means of promoting their "one country, two systems" model and their attempts to lower the ROC to the status of a local government.
In line with this three-step plan, the ROC government is determined to work together with the people in Hong Kong and Macau. We will work with business leaders both in Taiwan and other countries to assist democratization, economic internationalization, social pluralism, and a free way of life in the two areas. In addition, the ROC will strengthen its activities in Hong Kong and Macau to increase cooperation with business leaders in the two areas in order to protect the rights of the businessmen and other people there.
Exit and entry procedures have been simplified for Hong Kong and Macau residents so that they can settle, work, study, invest, and do business in Taiwan. They will also be able to obtain loans to purchase homes in Taiwan. We are considering other elements of the plan as well, such as subsidizing Chinese schools in Hong Kong, and allowing out standing youth to undertake advanced studies in Taiwan.
FCR: Peking has repeatedly warned against allowing Hong Kong to become a "counter-revolutionary base" after 1997. How will this affect the activities of ROC organizations based in Hong Kong?
Shih: The Chinese Communist authorities would not have to worry about Hong Kong becoming a "counter-revolutionary base" after 1997 if they could provide the people with a free economic system that would bring everyone's talent and skills into full play, and if they could let people enjoy the dignity of being a human being under the rule of law and equality.
After careful consideration, our government has solemnly declared that all the ROC organizations based in Hong Kong will not withdraw rashly after 1997. We are determined to join with the people of Hong Kong and Macau in a determined effort to safeguard the stability and prosperity of the two areas.
The activities of our organizations based in Hong Kong will depend on whether the Chinese Communist authorities are capable of maintaining stability and prosperity in Hong Kong and whether Hong Kong will truly be allowed to be a self-governing special administrative region with a high degree of autonomy.
Tensions on the rise—"Unfortunately, the so-called 'high degree of autonomy' and 'Hong Kong people rule Hong Kong' are no more than captivating slogans."
FCR: What kind of arrangements has the ROC made for the dedicated anti-Communist Chinese residents in Hong Kong? How many are there? Will it cause pressure on already over-populated Taiwan if all of them are allowed to settle here?
Shih: It is true that Taiwan is a small island with a high population density. A sudden influx of people from Hong Kong would inevitably add to the existing problems of the quality of life in overcrowded Taiwan. We are searching for ways to solve this dilemma.
Around 13,000 people in Hong Kong and Macau have applied to settle in Taiwan since London and Peking signed the joint declaration on Hong Kong in 1984. Qualified people are welcome to settle, work, study, invest, and do business in Taiwan, and no particular limit has been set on their number. Arrangements for people in Hong Kong and Macau to travel to Taiwan are included in the three-stage plan I outlined earlier, but we do not have data on how many there will be because this depends on the future situation of Hong Hong and Macau and the wishes of the concerned people themselves.
FCR: How do you view the draft of the Basic Law?
Shih: The second consultation on the law wound up in late October 1989. From the process of the drafting of the Basic Law, we can see the Chinese Communist strategy clearly. On matters of substance, they insist on having their own way and will make no concessions. On matters of form, they pretend to be magnanimous and handle each matter according to the needs of the particular situation.
Peking intends to use its power to initiate the Basic Law as a means of breaking its promise of autonomy for Hong Kong in favor of establishing absolute control over Hong Kong in the future. For this reason, in the course of drafting the Basic Law, the Chinese Communist authorities deliberately emphasize "one country" and neglect the "two systems" aspect of their formula for Hong Kong's future. Peking intends to maintain strict control over the right to interpret and revise the Basic Law.
Peking will continue to resist the efforts by the citizens of Hong Kong to elect their own administrative leaders and members of the Hong Kong legislative council at an early date. Unfortunately, the so-called "high degree of autonomy" and "Hong Kong people rule Hong Kong" are no more than captivating slogans.
In order to win the trust of Hong Kong citizens with respect to the Basic Law, the Chinese communists have designed two consultative processes and have pretended to be tolerant toward different views.
Peking intends to create the false impression that the draft of the Basic Law is a result of repeated consultation and careful deliberation, thus hoping to legitimize their rule over Hong Kong.
A revealing move was made in December 1989 during the conference of the Basic Law Drafting Committee held in Canton. The Chinese Communist authorities insisted on adding a clause to Article 23 of the draft Basic Law. This clause stipulates that the government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region should enact laws to prevent subversion of the Chinese Communist regime, prohibit Hong Kong political organizations from having any contact with foreign political organizations, and forbid foreign political activities in Hong Kong. There is little doubt that the effect of these restrictions would be to force Hong Kong citizens to accept Peking's rule after 1997 in toto. The clause has further diminished Hong Kong people's confidence in Peking and has quickened the pace of emigration.
FCR: After 1997, how will the ROC handle its indirect trade with mainland China through Hong Kong? Is a new transit port being considered, or will direct trade be allowed?
Shih: After 1997, if Hong Kong has a high degree of autonomy and maintains its present open system, we will regard it as being different from the mainland and will therefore preserve our present trade pattern. We will closely watch the situation in Hong Kong and Macau after 1997 and decide later whether it is necessary for us to find a new transit port.
FCR: Will China Airlines and ROC ships continue to use Hong Kong as a transit point?
Shih: Our government has made clear its determination to continue working with the citizens of Hong Kong and Macau to preserve their stability and prosperity. It is a technical matter whether China Airlines or ROC ships will continue to travel to Hong Kong. Our three-stage plan states that the relevant ROC government organizations are responsible for studying matters like this, along with matters such as telecommunications, postal services, visiting relatives, and tourism.
FCR: Will the ROC government continue appointing parliamentarians from Hong Kong and Macau?
Shih: During the past couple of years of political reform, people in various quarters have raised many differing opinions on such topics. We will have to watch how the situation develops after 1997 before we can figure out how to handle this particular issue. It will be easier to deal with the question if Hong Kong is at that time enjoying a measure of self-governance and the promised high degree of autonomy.