Opening the Fourth Plenum, Chairman Chiang declared: "This was the most difficult and dangerous year in the history of our Party, a year which severely tested our country's will for self-establishment and self-reliance, our people's fortitude and solidarity in struggle, our Party's faith in carrying out its goal of revolution and our determination to serve as an anti-Communist spearhead of the Free World. But crises create able leaders; reverses revive a nation. We may say proudly that while the challenge has posed a threat, it also has aroused our built-in strength. As a consequence, our will, fortitude, faith and determination remain as adamant as ever and have become even stronger. We have the courage to face up to the reality and the daring to overcome our difficulties. We stand as erectly and staunchly as a monolith and are prepared to defy the buffeting of adversity."
Chiang Ching-kuo laid down these fundamental tasks for the Kuomintang:
- Accelerated recovery and construction of the mainland. "This is our major task," he said.
- Strengthening of national development as the foundation for national recovery and reconstruction. "This," he said, "is a precondition for recovery of the mainland."
- Improvement of political development and the promotion of national unity. He said this is "the precondition of national stability and progress."
- Linking the hearts and strengthening the anti-Communist activities of overseas Chinese in order to suppress Chinese Communist united front conspiracies abroad.
- Enlargement of the Party base, establishment of a progressive system, strengthening of the Party's call and furthering the Party's influence in society as the primary undertaking in the current revolutionary situation. In a series of affirmations, he laid down the fundamental policies of the Kuomintang as:
- Adherence to the democratic camp.
- Opposition to the Chinese Communists as un-Chinese rebels.
- Endorsement of democratic and constitutional government.
- Rejection of "Taiwan independence."
- Emphasis on economic stability and growth.
- Perpetuation of national culture through national development.
- Reliance on the Party to open up a new vista and lay a firm foundation.
- Seizure of immediate opportunities for anti-Communist activities on the mainland.
- Dependence on the unity of the people as the means of strength and survival.
The President and Chairman held out an attractive prospect for the Taiwan of the coming decade. He said per capita income will amount to the equivalent of US$6,200 at the end of the period and predicted economic growth at a rate of 8 per cent annually. He said population growth will be reduced and full employment maintained. Construction of housing will be expedited and the nine-year education program made compulsory.
In his statement on the Party's 85th anniversary, Chiang Ching-kuo sounded a battle cry for the revolutionary organization established by Dr. Sun Yat-sen. The Republic is not isolated and helpless as some people may think, he said, and continued: "We revolutionaries regard this as the best environment for recognizing our share and exerting ourselves. People may think that the numerical ratio between the enemy and us rules out comparison. We revolutionaries regard this as a favorable condition for attacking the hollowness of the enemy with the solidity of our strength. What matters now is that all the comrades of our Party harden their faith in the Revolution, exert their revolutionary spirit, increase their revolutionary capacity and make unmistakably clear that their hearts are dedicated and full of sympathy for others. "
"We shall never know another failure," he said. Reporting on the government administration, Premier Sun Yun-suan said the nation came through the first year of nonrecognition by the United States in good shape. All necessary steps have been taken to cope with the situation arising from termination of the Mutual Defense Treaty with the United States as of the end of the year, he said. The special fund for development of the national defense industry totals NT$7 billion, he said, made up of donations from the public and government appropriations. Within three years, he added, major accessories for defense systems will be made in Taiwan. For the present, surpluses from past budgets will be used to buy new weapons and increase mobility and firepower.
President Chiang told the closing session that the Party is dedicated to the proposition that true freedom and democracy can be assured only through the electoral process. He pledged that the parliamentary elections postponed when the United States recognized the Chinese Communists would be resumed as circumstances permit. The chief executive said the number of members to be newly elected in the Legislative Yuan and Control Yuan would be increased to augment constitutional democracy.
"The promise of our Party to the people will be carried out in full," the President said. He pledged that the Kuomintang would serve the nation as a free, democratic and open political party dedicated to opposing tyranny in all its forms.
Members of the Central Standing Committee, which guides the Kuomintang between plenary sessions, were increased from 22 to 27. Chiang Ching-kuo, the President of the Republic, is Chairman. This is the lineup (*indicates new member):
- Yen Chia-kan, former President of the Republic.
- Shieh Tung-min, Vice President of the Republic.
- Sun Yun-suan, Premier of the Republic.
- *Lin Yang-kang, governor of Taiwan.
- Huang Shao-ku, president of the Judicial Yuan.
- K.T. Li, minister without portfolio.
- *Chiu Chuang-huan, minister of interior.
- Lin Chin-sheng, minister of communications.
- Nieh Wen-ya, president of the Legislative Yuan.
- *Ma Chi-chuang, secretary general of the Executive Yuan.
- Soong Chang-chih, chief of the general staff.
- Lin Ting-sheng, speaker of the Taipei City Council.
- Ku Cheng-kang, honorary president of the World Anti-Communist League.
- * Lee Teng-hui, mayor of Taipei.
- *Chang Pao-shu, former secretary general of the Kuomintang Central Committee.
- Hsu Ching-chung, Vice Premier of the Republic.
- Tsai Hung-wen, speaker of the Taiwan Provincial Assembly.
- Kao Kuei-yuan, minister of national defense.
- *Hung Shou-nan, vice president of the Judicial Yuan.
- Yuan Shou-chien, senior adviser to the President of the Republic.
- *T.Y. Chao, chairman of the Vocational Assistance Commission for Retired Servicemen.
- *Wang Shen, director general of the Political Warfare Department of the Ministry of National Defense.
- *Wang Tih-wu, board chairman of the United Daily News.
- *Yu Kuo-hua, chairman of the Economic Planning and Development Council.
- *Yu Chi-chung, board chairman of the China Times.
- *Wang Jen-yuan, director of the Department of Organization Affairs of the Central Committee of the Kuomintang.
- Huang Chieh, strategy adviser to the President of the Republic.
Chairman Chiang Ching-kuo had nominated 54 candidates for the 27 Central Standing Committee positions. The election was by the 127 members of the Central Committee attending the plenary meeting.
President and Chairman Chiang Ching-kuo spoke from his heart to the concluding session. All decisions of the Party must be in the interest of the country, he said, and in the interests of freedom and democracy. But he implied that liberty is not to be confused with license. The Republic of China is still in a state of war because of the Communist insurrection, he said, and this necessitates the continuation of martial law. Anyone who serves the enemy cause directly or indirectly is subject to punishment, he added. He noted that in controlling the Formosa magazine incident at Kaohsiung, civilian and military policemen had not counterattacked rioters in order to keep the peace and avert further disturbances. The government, he said, is determined to protect the lives and the properties of the 17 million people of Taiwan.
In its final determinations, the Kuomintang Central Committee asserted that Party construction should be based on these points:
- Resumption of parliamentary elections at an appropriate time with the electoral system to be made as fair as possible.
- Furthering of the system of checks and balances through communication and accommodation with the other two parties.
- Enhancement of administrative efficiency and punishment for government or Party misdeeds.
- Improvement of the livelihood of farmers, workers and fishermen with attention to their income level and social security system.
- Opposition to Communist ideology in all its forms but without destroying legitimate political differences.
Party members urged that the movement to combat the Chinese Communist united front be stepped up throughout the world. Suggestions were made that the Kuomintang sponsor a history of the Republic of China to expose Chinese Communist party misrepresentation and falsehood in their version of 20th century Chinese history.
A formal resolution on opposing the Chinese Communists overseas included these points:
- Mounting of a political offensive based on Chinese culture and the Three Principles of the People.
- Expression of sympathy and concern for students and technicians of the Chinese mainland who have been dispatched abroad but remain under Communist control. They will be helped to identify with ideals of freedom and democracy.
- Improvement of services for overseas Chinese. They will be helped to come to Taiwan for study, sightseeing, trade and investment.
- Strengthen assistance to Chinese scholars and students overseas.
- Recruit overseas Chinese scholars and technicians to work for the nation in Taiwan.
- Increase cultural and journalistic activities abroad.
Chairman Chiang Ching-kuo commemorated the 85th anniversary of the Kuomintang with a statement on "Prospects for the National Revolution as Seen in the Perspective of the History of the Kuomintang of China." He said:
Today is the 85th anniversary of the founding of our Party, an occasion which also marked the glorious beginning of national construction. In this article, I should like to join with my comrades of the Kuomintang in reviewing revolutionary history of the Party. I also want to join them in viewing the prospect for the Party and the country. First of all, we must be aware that the 85-year course of the Revolution has been filled with difficulty and danger. But the Party has quelled internal turmoil and external attack time and time again and has persevered. We are not only determined to continue overcoming all crises and evils but are also convinced that the future of our country and people will remain eternally bright.
We know that since the day the Tsungli (President of the Party, referring to Dr. Sun Yat-sen) created the Three Principles of the People, the long-range goal of the National Revolution has never been changed and that since he established the Republic of China, the nation has never budged from the long-range goal of "vesting sovereignty in the people." Consequently, the completion of the National Revolution, the implementation of the Three Principles of the People and the safeguarding and construction of the Republic of China have continued to be revolutionary democratic responsibilities of the Party.
The Tsungtsai (Director General of the Party, referring to the late President Chiang Kai-shek) said: In the history of our National Revolution, the first stage began with the Tsungli's advocacy of revolution and ended with the success of the Wuchang Revolution of 1911; the second stage began with the founding of the Republic of China and lasted until the day of victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan; and the third stage has extended from then to the present. The objectives of the first stage were to overthrow the Manchu dynasty and establish the Republic of China; those of the second stage were to defend the Republic of China and assure its freedom and international equality. These goals were reached under the leadership of the Tsungli and then of the Tsungtsai with countless sacrifices and the shedding of blood by our comrades.
Today we are engaged in the third stage of the Revolution. Our objectives are to eliminate the Chinese Communist regime, recover the Chinese mainland and build a new China based on the Three Principles of the People.
In this present crucial moment of history, the enemy appears especially ferocious and world morality seems to have reached a new low. Timid people have generally underestimated us as "isolated," "helpless" and "unable to last for another day." Other observers have assessed our country as "economically rich," "militarily strong" and a "giant of tomorrow." The world of today resembles that described by Charles Dickens in A Tale of Two Cities "It was the season of light, it was the season of darkness." Darkness is always dark and light is always bright. Our revolutionary comrades will always be bright at heart because we have the illumination of the Three Principles of the People. At this decisive moment of history, we must join together in seizing this opportunity for success. The Republic of China can continue to exist because of the existence of the Kuomintang of China; the Chinese can perpetuate themselves as a nation and prosper because of the existence of the historical culture of China.
We have undeniably achieved successes and suffered setbacks in the more than 80 years of the National Revolution. Some of our successes have been great and some of our reverses have been disastrous. Our history is summed up in the Chinese saying: "Danger gives rise to blessing; blessing is stalked by danger." The factor of success is often found in defeat, and the factor of defeat is often concealed in success. The history of our Revolution teaches that we must strive for assured success and not admit the possibility of defeat.
The 1911 Revolution that led to the founding of the Republic of China, the Northward Expedition that led to the reunification of the country and the victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan were the three greatest successes in the history of our National Revolution. Besides these three great successes, we suffered two devastating defeats in 1913 and 1949. It may be said that in the wake of our success in the Northward Expedition, internal turmoil and external aggression compelled us to strive for survival. Again and again, we were pushed to the edge, yet we do not regard this as a boom-and-bust cycle of history. We must look at the causes and at our shortcomings.
The success of 1911 was recorded after defeats in 10 uprisings by our revolutionary comrades under Dr. Sun Yat-sen's leadership. We recall that in those years the Tsungli united all of our comrades to struggle and sacrifice for a great ideal through reliance on his "great determination to save the country and the people." He couldn't count on armed forces, economic backing or international moral support. On the contrary, he had to counter interference and obstructions from abroad. We may say that he fought against the 260-year-old Manchu regime and its army of a million men with only his bare fists. Notwithstanding this, the revolutionary forefathers under his leadership fought so courageously that when one frontline comrade fell, another immediately moved forward to take any place. In the end, the Manchu dynasty was overthrown and the Republic of China established. How many times did the enemy outnumber and outgun us? One hundred? One thousand? Ten thousand? In fact, the numbers are beyond any comparison. It was just because that the Tsungli and our revolutionary forefathers grasped the revolutionary ideal with their empty hands and gave full scope to the revolutionary spirit.
After establishment of the Republic of China, many Party members mistakenly thought the Revolution had succeeded and further effort was not required. Consequently, China immediately crumbled in the face of external aggression. This explains the serious reverse in the Second Revolution in 1913.
At the time, the Tsungli made up his mind to return to the beginnings of the Revolution, to reorganize a dedicated and pure revolutionary Party and to renew the revolutionary spirit of the Party members. As a result, the progression of events was reversed, Yuan Shih-kai was overthrown and the Republic of China was protected.
The Northward Expedition also succeeded after many defeats. From the founding of the Republic, the Tsungli had made the Northward Expedition his primary objective. The first northward campaign of 1912 was called off in consequence of appeasement and interference within the Party. Another northward campaign was undertaken in 1917 to defend the provisional constitution but had to be suspended because of the obstructionism of careerists. The northward campaign of 1922 was called off as a result of Chen Chiung-ming's rebellion. Another attempt was made in 1924 but had to be suspended because of the political situation in North China. The basic reason for aborting these campaigns was the absence of a real revolutionary army. So the Tsungli gave the Tsungtsai the mission of establishing such an army.
The Tsungtsai's efforts to build a truly revolutionary army began with army-building at Whampoa in 1924. We all know that at the time the Whampoa base had an area of just 5 square kilometers, that the Whampoa Military Academy had an initial budget of only 6,000 silver dollars, that just 500 young men enrolled in academy studies after overcoming various difficulties and dangers, and that the academy obtained 500 rifles with difficulty. Yet only three months after the academy opened, the Tsungtsai, acting on the Tsungli's orders, routed at one stroke the Canton Commercial Corps which then numbered tens of thousands of men and had the support of imperialistic nations. Six months later, an army of 3,000 was organized by the Whampoa cadets to suppress Chen Chiung-ming. The army recaptured various objectives in the valley of the East River, then returned to Canton to quell an uprising of more than 60,000 troops of Kwangtung and Kwangsi. Within a year, the Whampoa army carried out the Eastward Expedition and destroyed the army of 100,000 under command of Chen Chiung-ming. When the national revolutionary force took the oath of the Northward Expedition, it had less than a tenth as many troops as the forces under command of the northern warlords. In just two years, it wiped out the million troops of the warlords and reunified China.
At that time, every warlord had imperialist support. Once the warlords were beaten, the revolutionary force was confronted by the imperialists. Among these, the Russian imperialists were the most sinister and fierce, and the Japanese imperialists were the strongest and most brutal. The existence of these two required the courageous struggle of the revolutionary force against foreign aggression. The struggle against Japan may be likened to fighting off a tiger on the doorstep. The struggle against Russia was to prevent a wolf from entering our back door. Our national defense strength, especially our firepower, was less than a tenth of that possessed by either the tiger or the wolf. When we were compelled to undertake all-out war against Japan in 1937, the enemy had 4,480,000 ground troops, 2,700 firstline aircraft and 1,900,000 tons of warships in active service. We had only a poorly equipped patchwork army of 1,700,000 men, 305 combat-ready planes and 59,000 tons of various vessels. Despite this immense difference in numbers and strength, we fought the enemy for eight years and won the final victory.
Our reliance in the establishment of the Republic, the Eastward and Northward Expeditions and the War of Resistance Against Japan was the integration of the revolutionary ideal and the people. We had during this period brought our righteous national spirit and our revolutionary spirit to the point of full development.
Soon after victory over Japan, we suffered a critical reverse. In only four years, the hundreds of millions of people on the mainland were shut behind the Iron Curtain. Undeniably, we faced an international conspiracy and suffered from traitorous Chinese Communist collaboration with a foreign power. However, if our Party members had not been demoralized and undisciplined, the enemy could not have shaken us. I can remember the demoralization and the degeneration in the revolutionary camp on the eve of the fall of the Chinese mainland. As the Tsungtsai had said, "the demoralized surrendered, the ignominious defected from the Party, the despondent escaped and the depressed complained." Only a few dared come to the fore to defend the Party and save the country. This repeated the reverse of the 1913 revolution when the "danger" of defeat was concealed in the "blessing" of victory. The danger emerged because the people were no longer vigilant. For this reason, the Tsungtsai, as the Tsungli before him, made up his mind to return to the starting point of the Revolution with the reform of our Party. This reform revived our revolutionary spirit. The foundation of national revival was laid as the Party organization was consolidated.
People often speak of "favorable" and "adverse" environments. These are merely perceptions or impressions of the external environment. During the course of the National Revolution, the external environment has always been ominously against us. When our Tsungli was directing the National Revolution before the founding of the Republic, France would not tolerate his presence in Vietnam, England rejected his presence in its Southwestern Pacific colonies and Japan deported him and refused to allow his return. Although the National Revolution was fostered abroad, support and encouragement came only from the overseas Chinese. There was never any international support. This prompted the Tsungtsai to say: "In leading the Revolution to establish the Republic, the Tsungli did not think of or receive foreign aid."
After establishment of the Republic, the National Revolution encountered in every stage obstruction, sabotage and false accusations from external sources. In the beginning, the world powers delayed recognizing the Republic of China but competed for opportunities to assault the Kuomintang, support fragmentation of the country by the warlords and extend loans to the regime in the north. In 1923, after we had succeeded in obtaining customs rights, the world powers even sent naval vessels to White Goose Anchorage outside Canton to threaten the Revolutionary Government. On the eve of the Northward Expedition, the imperialists blatantly engineered the Shachi Incident in which many of our revolutionary youths were murdered. During the Northward Expedition, the Russian Communists conspired to bring about the split between the Nanking and Hankow authorities and Japan perpetrated the Tsinan Incident. Other incidents were those of Wanhsien, Hankow and Nanking and so on, all of them intended to obstruct the Northward Expedition and prevent the unification of China. Once we had overcome the obstructionist forces and unified the country, the great powers remained reluctant to yield to our demand to scrap the unequal treaties. When Japan sent troops to occupy our Northeast Provinces, the great powers stood idly by and no one came forward to ensure justice. When Japan undertook an all-out invasion of China and Chinese soldiers and civilians heroically resisted the attackers, the great powers took no action on behalf of justice. Instead, they supplied strategic materials to the invaders and even helped Japan block our international transportation routes, thereby intensifying the agony of the suffering Chinese people. Not until Japan started the Pacific War did the great powers come to understand that the resistance of the Chinese constituted a decisive flank of World War II. The powers then began to fight together with us shoulder to shoulder. Yet even these historic chapters penned in blood and the moral sensibilities have gradually and purposefully been doomed to oblivion.
This indicates that in terms of history, our National Revolution has always been a struggle in an "adverse environment" and has never had the advantage of a favorable environment. The adversity we face today is merely more conspicuous and consequential than the adversities of the past. After reviewing the history of our National Revolution and observing changes in the world situation, we can understand that we must strengthen our foundation, augment our stability and rely on ourselves so as to bring our destiny under our own control and add to our blessings. Those who understand history naturally can remain "undisturbed in times of adversity." Those who are ignorant of history and shortsighted unavoidably face panic and confusion. They even believe that we have no option except to "change" and follow at the heel of others.
With regard to favorable environment, adversity and the pursuit of more blessings, I want to emphasize: In the history of the National Revolution, we also have had "favorable" moments, but these grew out of the Revolution itself. When the Wuchang Revolution erupted, the whole country responded. Was not this a "favorable environment" for the Revolution? When the revolutionary forces were marching north, the people came out to give the soldiers food and drink. Was not this a "favorable environment" for the Revolution? Especially worthy of recall is the period between the North ward Expedition for national unification and the start of the War of Resistance Against Japan. The people of the world have called this a "golden decade." All of our people were excited by their national sentiments; the whole country was astir with a spirit of vigor. People were sincere in relations toward one another and inspired by our leader, for whom they showed affection while luxuriating in his benevolence. They buried themselves in their work with one heart and one mind. They worked hard, yet no one felt that life was hard. Even when their kith and kin were wounded in the bombing raids and they were compelled by the juggernaut of war to leave their homes, they still had confidence in the future. In actuality, our leader transcended even this as he endured the ordeal and swallowed his bitterness. The Chinese Communists at home and the enemy abroad might respond to each other at any time; international relations were ambiguous and unpredictable. Even so, we were able to win the hearts of the people and gain this "golden decade." We are reminded of the truth of the old Chinese saying: "If brothers can share their hearts, the very ground will be turned to gold."
The Tsungtsai often told us that the environment for the Revolution was always "internally favorable and externally adverse." Judging from the history of our struggle of more than eight decades in an adverse environment, we can understand that when the "internal favorable environment" is to be found in our hearts, that will be the time of our success. Instead of harming us, "external adversity" will stimulate us to create an "internal favorable environment."
In this national bastion of today, the people are united and the overseas Chinese are turning their hearts to the motherland. Our compatriots on the mainland, especially, are yearning to join with us and unmistakably demanding freedom, democracy and political and economic life such as those we enjoy in Taiwan. This unquestionably marks the emergence of a truly favorable environment for the Revolution.
Once aware of the Party's revolutionary history, we should be imbued with infinite confidence in the future of the National Revolution. We also should be confident that all who have studied the revolutionary history of the Party will be prepared to confirm that the future of the Kuomintang of China and the Republic of China is perpetually auspicious.
The priority task of our comrades today is to assure that people are cognizant of our history and future. Additionally, all of us should be seeking ways to stimulate our national spirit at home and to further justice abroad. We should lead the whole Chinese people in summoning all our strength to recover the Chinese mainland and build a new China based on the Three Principles of the People. We need to assure that all the people of the world see the fulfillment of our exalted revolutionary goal.
Consequently, I should like to set forth my views and aims:
First, the long history and profound culture of China are exemplified in the fundamental and righteous "Spirit of the Spring and Autumn Annals," which includes the people's righteous spirit and the national righteous spirit. In a broad sense, this spirit amounts to a distinguishing between right and wrong and can be thought of as our orthodox concept holding that tyranny is doomed to extinction, that traitors are doomed to perish and that aggression is doomed to failure. The 5,000-year-old history of China both before and after the "Spring and Autumn Annals" revolves around this historical concept.
In its 5,000 years of existence, China has been ruled by despots, usurpers, aggressors, traitors and bandits. Regardless of the scope of such reigns, each was a scourge of the Chinese people. We Chinese do not recognize such reigns and are eternally determined to get rid of such rulers. The force of removal is quickly generated from the orthodox spirit of the "Spring and Autumn Annals."
Since the establishment of the Republic of China, we have witnessed the coming and going of "imperial China" founded by Yuan Shih-kai, "Manchou Kuo" headed by Pu Yi and the traitorous regime set up by Wang Ching-wei. Other bogus regimes have held bits and pieces of Chinese territory. Where are these off-beat, unorthodox regimes today? They have been removed because they were punishing the Chinese people.
I dare to promise you that before long the people of China and the world will be asking: "Where is the tyrannical 'People's Republic of China'?" People will reply with relieved cheers: "It has been wiped out by the National Revolutionary Force based on the Three Principles of the People."
How can I make such a pledge? I can do so because the power of the Chinese Communists was usurped, because the regime is tyrannical and traitorous, and because it is the greatest scourge of the Chinese people and is therefore rejected by them. The Chinese accept only their own cultural tradition based on the spirit of "loyalty, filial duty, benevolence, love, faith, justice, harmony and peace." This spirit is furthered by the Three Principles of the People; this virtuous culture is carried out by the National Revolution; this cultural tradition is represented by the Republic of China.
I want, incidentally, to mention another point: that of the detestable question of "Taiwan independence." As I have said, regimes of rebels, usurpers, traitors and aggressors have quickly been overthrown by the Spring and Autumn spirit. "Taiwan independence" advocates are among the lowest and most abject of these elements; they are wholly wrong, the tools of careerists and rejected by the spirit of the people. We know that during the 50 years of the Japanese occupation, all of the people of Taiwan shed their tears and many Taiwanese freedom fighters shed their blood. Did they not demonstrate that they rejected foreign rule and that they were eager to return to their own ancestral roots? The blood of the Chinese people still runs in the veins of today's so-called "Taiwan independence" elements. Some of their forefathers were patriots. Their incomprehensible conduct has brought cries of anguish from their ancestors in heaven and has broken the hearts of relatives who hate them in silence. Any good family of high moral standing may have one or two ingrate children, but there are no parents who do not hope that their children will return to the ways of rectitude. We believe that while human nature and conscience persist, all wayward children will return to the right course. More than a few of the Taiwan independence elements have already changed their minds. The government's attitude toward these elements is based on the expectation - fueled by sentiments of kinship - that others will do likewise. However, if they are unrepentant and attempt to take the law into their own hands, sentiment will no longer be a factor in the weighing of their cases.
Second, countries and peoples commonly suffer moments of brief distress during the course of their history. Such reverses become tests of the capacity for national revival. A country's revival depends on the sense of responsibility shown by its benevolent and dedicated people and on the increased demonstration of patriotism by the citizenry. The Tsungtsai said "national revival depends on talented people" and "national revival depends on popular acceptance." We have tempered ourselves in this bastion of national revival for 30 years. We have extended and improved our education during this period and could say that we have engendered a boom in talent. However, those with talent for national revival must also possess the taste and quality of national revival as well as the knowledge and ability for national revival.
What do we mean by the taste and quality of national revival? As the Tsungtsai said, these include the sense of shame and determination to be rid of it. A person of such taste and quality must be "capable of holding himself aloof from the surge of human desires." He must "first know what should not be done so that he can know what must be done in the course of revolution." Among intellectuals, some have been deeply influenced by Western materialism and others have been deeply influenced by individualism. Today I want to urge you not to be misled by material desires. I ask you to recognize your shame and to do away with it entirely, to display the noble qualities of dedicated and benevolent people, and to advance the traditional spirit of "accepting personal responsibility for the welfare of the country and the world."
What talents and knowledge do we require for national revival? The people of ancient times said: "For a man, knowledge and judgment must come first." A man without knowledge and judgment cannot be regarded as talented. This is the era of the "knowledge explosion" in which both righteous and unrighteous people insist that their views must prevail. We are exposed to various eloquent arguments at any time and everywhere. If we do not have principled hearts, we may feel that the arguments on both sides are reasonable and that both may impress the people. If we embrace strange new heresies because of our subconscious propensity for embracing the new and discarding the old, we shall be prone to lose ourselves even as have the "Taiwan independence" elements to lose conscience and rationality and our sense of responsibility for the country and the people. If this occurs, we will dance to the tune of the enemy's united front piper if and when we are exposed to it. We will desert our own families at the enemy's instigation. Think how much affection between father and son has been destroyed by the concept of a "generation gap." The view that "the younger generation has no responsibility for the differences of the older generation" will lead countless people to put aside genuine schisms of nation and family. The satirical remark that "this is equivalent to a myth" will lead countless people to disbelieve their own history. We may ask: If all knowledge is to be used to negate ourselves, will not the "knowledge explosion" become "knowledge destruction?" We must have knowledge, but it has to be knowledge for establishing ourselves and others and knowledge to save the country and the people. This knowledge must be chosen with discrimination. The ability to discriminate is a talent and the act of choice calls for judgment. We presently need to establish a criterion of talent and knowledge. We may insist that new knowledge be germane to the Three Principles of the People and be examined in that perspective so as to help us make the best choice
I must then strongly demand that Chinese intellectuals regard traditional Chinese culture as embodied in the Three Principles of the People as the foundation of their thought and conduct; they must plant their roots firmly in the traditional Chinese culture of the Three Principles.
As I have already said, we must now absorb the experience of the history of our Revolution and learn from it, thereby making sure that we shall succeed and can never accept failure. In carrying out the Three Principles of the People, our Party has always adhered to Chinese culture. From beginning to end, the Kuomintang has been dedicated to fulfilling its great loyalty to the country and its great filial duty to the Chinese people. Our Party has consistently distinguished right from wrong in the cause of justice. We have used revolutionary means to protect freedom and democracy and the democratic spirit to unite revolutionary forces. Because we have fundamental integrity, we shall never fail to carry out our cause. We have had successes and failures, but the decisive factor is our revolutionary spirit. This spirit has had both high and low tides. We succeed when our revolutionary spirit is in flood and fail when it is at ebb. This means that we must enhance our revolutionary spirit and not allow it to recede.
The Tsungli said: "Thought produces faith and faith generates strength." Chinese culture is the fountainhead of our thought; the Three Principles of the People is the core of our faith. As long as all of us hold fast to Chinese culture and are faithful to the Three Principles of the People, the revolutionary spirit will never ebb. We shall be sustained and spurred by the righteous spirit of the nation, the people and the Revolution.
Our historic tasks are Revolution and national revival. In terms of revolution, King Tan had a base of 70 li, King Wen had a domain of 100 li and the Tsungtsai had a base of 5 square kilometers at Whampoa. Nevertheless, each carried out his revolutionary task of relieving the people's suffering. In terms of national revival, we have a bastion of 36,000 square kilometers and assuredly can succeed in delivering our people from tyranny. History bears testimony to this prospect. Shao Kang recovered China with a brigade of soldiers. Kuang Wu restored the throne of Han with 5,000 horsemen. Our Tsungtsai began his career of righteous combat and carried out his task of the Northward Expedition and national unification from a start of 500 cadets and 500 rifles. Today we have 1,800,000 Party members, 3 million persons in active military service and the reserve, and 17 million patriotic people. Together, they constitute the pillars of anti-Communism and national recovery. If we can forge into one the hearts of the hundreds of millions of people at home and abroad and in front of and behind the enemy lines in our struggle against the Chinese Communists — who have been torn by repeated power seizure struggles, who look strong but are weak at heart, and who have lost popular support and deviated from moral principles — we are spiritually in the position of outnumbering the enemy and closing in on him. We shall not only be able to consolidate our bastion of freedom, but can move forward and recover the mainland. We shall not only promote the construction of our bastion but can ensure the prosperity of the people of the whole country by using our present achievements as the blueprint.
Some people may think that in the present environment and with current conditions, we are isolated and helpless. We revolutionaries regard this as the best environment for recognizing our shame and exerting ourselves. People may think that the numerical ratio between the enemy and us rules out comparison. We revolutionaries regard this as a favorable condition for attacking the hollowness of the enemy with the solidity of our strength. What matters now is that all the comrades of our Party harden their faith in the Revolution, exert their revolutionary spirit, increase their revolutionary capacity and make unmistakably clear that their hearts are dedicated and full of sympathy for others. We then can make honest and selfless contributions. Horizontally, we can unite the people to struggle together. Vertically, we can carry on our history by making certain that we shall succeed, that we shall never know another failure and that the Republic of China, which will shine as brightly as the sun at high noon, can move forward in good order and never again be afflicted with disorder.