Hopes were high and hearts were full as the Republic of China entered its 67th year on the Double Tenth National Day - October 10, 1977.
It hadn't been an easy year. Drought, flood and two early-season typhoons battered the fortress redoubt and model province of Taiwan. Economic recession was eased but goods were hard to sell abroad and the price of imports was edging up.
These were not such serious matters. As Premier Chiang Ching-kuo remarked, the unity of people and government made it easy to overcome natural reverses. Inflation was kept under control despite the economic difficulties. Typhoon and flood damage was quickly repaired.
The Carter administration's commitment to "normalize relations" with the Chinese Communists presented greater difficulties. Reliance had to be placed on the reservoir of goodwill in the United States, the continuing disinclination of American governments to hurt an old friend and ally, and the intransigence of the enemy.
Secretary of State Cyrus Vance went off to Peiping for the first high-level contact between the Carter administration and the Chinese Communists. If shudders went up and down the spines of some faint-of-heart friends, there were few such fears among the people of Taiwan. The late President Chiang Kai-shek had taught them to be tranquil in time of adversity, firm with dignity and self-reliant with vigor.
Self-confidence also stems from knowing the foe. The nearly 17 million people of Taiwan understood that the Chinese Communists could not retreat from their impossible terms of a total U.S. break with the Republic of China, withdrawal of the American presence from Taiwan and abrogation of the U.S.-ROC defense treaty. These are conditions which the United States could not accept and go on living with itself.
The whole story of what happened to Cyrus Vance in Peiping has not been told. Perhaps it never will. But the United States reacted angrily when Teng Hsiao-ping revealed his version of conversations with Vance. The State Department in effect accused the Chinese Communists of bad faith, and added that the representations made by Teng did not accord with the truth. Although tempering this with renewal of adherence to the Shanghai communique, the United States showed no enthusiasm.
Only a few days after his return, Secretary Vance had a talk with the Republic of China's ambassador to Washington, James Shen. This was a meeting that need not have taken place. There hadn't been a face-to-face consultation between the secretary of state and the Chinese ambassador to the United States in some three years. It was the first such contact of the Carter administration. The U.S. government and President Carter were saying something to both the Chinese Communists and the Republic of China. As it looked from Taipei, the "China balance" was returning to an even keel.
In his Double Tenth Message, President Yen Chia-kan took note of the Chinese Communists' failure to justify themselves as an ongoing political entity. "Purges and struggles have been continuous," he said. The whole Maoistic system is on the way to destruction. In the new central committee of the Chinese Communist party, there is not one representative from the classes of peasants, workers, soldiers and youths that Mao wanted to raise to power to rule his "Paris commune" and create his "Maoist man." The "cultural revolution" might never have happened.
As President Yen said, the Chinese Communists are doomed. They lack stability. There is no end of internal struggle. "A crisis of even larger-scale struggle is in the making."
The mainland scenario was indicated by the defection of MIG 19 pilot Fan Yuan-yen, now a lieutenant colonel in the Air Force of the Republic of China. Many mainlanders have renounced Communism. "They will seize any and every chance to rise up, even at the risk of their lives, and seek freedom," the President said. This "attests that regardless of the cruelty of Communist suppression or the rigidity of Communist control, human conscience can never be destroyed and the overwhelming determination of the people to be free will never waver." The government is responding to these emotions and providing every assistance within its command, the President said. "This is not merely a response of the spirit but includes many actions of a practical nature."
Fear and appeasement of Communism has led to the undermining of democratic unity and cooperation. The Chinese Communists have been able to pursue a course of "schism, intimidation and blackmail," President Yen said, and thus challenge the international position of the Republic of China. The government and people of the Republic of China have not wavered. They "have shown a revolutionary spirit of independence and self-reliance" and "have overcome many difficulties and perils in the last year" without fear of new threats.
President Yen said the Republic of China seeks the good life for all the people of China - those of the mainland as well as of Taiwan. "The stronger the storm and the tide that buffet us, the greater the faith and course we shall require. We have no fear of frustration or challenge." The goal is a San Min Chu I (Nationalism, Democracy and Social Welfare - the Three People's Principles of Dr. Sun Yat-sen) society for all of China.
"When the mainland is recovered," the President said, "we shall make use of what we have already built as a blueprint to construct a new China in which our mainland compatriots will regain their freedom, happiness and well-being."
The Chinese chief executive spoke to a united country of growing resolution and confidence. More than a quarter of a million persons massed in Taipei's Presidential Square in front of the Presidential Building. President Yen, Premier Chiang Ching-kuo and other leaders reviewed a parade of military and civilian units. National Day events continued on into the night - not only in Taiwan but all over the world in Chinese overseas communities from Seoul to Jakarta and from Honolulu to New York and Paris to Blantyre.
Chinese Communists had failed to persuade the world that they could manage the vast subcontinent of China. On Taiwan, which is lacking in natural resources for economic success and which has the world's highest population density, the Republic of China had shown that freedom could be combined with good government to create the model of a Chinese state.
Premier Chiang pointed out that the Chinese of the Republic of China have suffered the most at the hands of the Communists and so are best acquainted with their evil character. "We know that the Communists are wicked and tyrannical," he said, "and that they are the worst enemy of mankind in all history. In the light of this awareness, we believe that the solidarity of unity is the only means of survival. We can save our country only by opposing the Communists to the victorious end. As a consequence of this conviction, we can remain calm in the face of the present world confusion."
The slow turning of the tide in the United States was especially rewarding to the Republic of China and brought great encouragement to the cause of Chinese freedom. In terms of American public opinion, there was no change at all. The tide had always run with the Republic of China and on the side of freedom. Richard Nixon's opening to Peiping at the expense of free China never had the approval of the American people. Public opinion polls have shown that 70 per cent or more of Americans do not want "normalization of relations" with Red China if that means the desertion of free China.
Premier Chiang said: "From the very beginning, we have opposed U.S. dealings with the Chinese Communists. We knew this could only hurt and not help the United States and the free nations in the Asian and Pacific region. Out of our regard for the importance of the alliance between the United States and the Republic of China, we have repeatedly declared that the alliance will benefit both and that an alienation would damage each. We have hoped that this view would lead the U.S. government to distinguish friend from foe, stick to the right course and avoid any rash action that could gratify the enemy and grieve the friend."
One constructive sign of free world awareness of the stakes was the growing criticism of the Chinese Communists and the facing of the mainland reality. This was a far cry from the days of pingpong diplomacy when the Chinese Communists were regarded in much the same light as the early U.S.S.R. "I have seen the future and it works" was a term much applied to the mainland by first-time visitors (some of whom undoubtedly realized that unfavorable reports would not elicit an invitation to return). Eyes of correspondents and others saw only what they were intended to see.
That is changing fast. With a few exceptions, the Chinese mainland visitors of today are reporting the abject poverty, the suppression, the continuing power struggle and - to sum it all up - the utter and complete failure of Communism. Many are applying Jimmy Carter's tests of human rights to the mainland and finding that even the most elementary rights and privileges do not exist. A few are coming to Taiwan and contrasting the extensive rights and growing democracy which they find under the aegis of the Republic of China.
On the Chinese mainland, "freedom" implies conformity with the latest Communist order. If it was given by Mao or the "gang of four," immediate, unquestioning obedience was required. Now it is given by Hua Kuo-feng or Teng Hsiao-ping. Orders may conflict but that does not excuse disobedience. This is "freedom" under Communism. All Communism systems are irrational; that of the Chinese Communists has attained an irrationality transcending all others.
Premier Chiang took note of the strong support of the Republic of China by the American people and members of the Congress and state parliamentary bodies. This shows, he said, that "continuation of relations between the United States and the Republic of China is crucial to Asian and world peace and that maintenance of the alliance between the two countries is in the best interest of the United States. The Republic of China has for years done all it could to curb Communist expansion and stabilize the situation in the East Asian and Pacific region. We have consistently respected our treaty of alliance and placed a high value on our friendship, but are convinced that only self-help can lead to mutual help. We shall consequently continue to adhere to the principle that unity will help each and that schism will hurt both of us in our common undertakings with the United States to quiet any upheaval in the East Asian and Pacific region."
Scholars, experts, businessmen and parliamentarians presented their views on the Republic of China and the Chinese Communists to the House Foreign Affairs Committee's subcommittee on Asian and Pacific affairs in mid-October hearings. U.S. Senator William Roth of Delaware said that "To accede to (Red) China's demands would be a severe blow to the credibility of our foreign policy at home. Most Americans would be deeply disturbed by a step based on expediency rather than one rooted in principle." Roth, who visited the Chinese mainland last April, said the United States should not withdraw recognition from the Republic of China and should not abrogate the defense treaty protecting Taiwan.
Representative Les Aucoin of Oregon opposed proposals for a joint Congressional resolution urging President Carter to expedite "normalization of relations" with Peiping. Such a resolution would be "unwise and untimely," he said.
Even former Senator Hugh Scott, once a firm friend of the Republic of China who changed his coat to support the Chinese Communists, modified his position of American recognition of Peiping at the cost of the ROC tie. He told the subcommittee he would like to see talks between Taipei and Peiping. Reminded that both have declined to meet or negotiate, he said the Carter administration should still encourage such a meeting. If talks do not take place, Scott said, "the United States will have to bite the bullet on the Shanghai communique." This appeared to imply that Scott no longer thinks that recognition of Red China is a simple matter of U.S. divorcement from the Republic of China in order to embrace the Chinese Communists.
One of the most persuasive testimonies before the subcommittee was that of Marinus van Gessel, president of the American Chamber of Commerce in the Republic of China. Summing up the position of some 220 American businessmen, van Gessel said that "normalization" with Red China should not proceed "unless it is clearly advantageous to the United States and not at the expense of the Republic of China on Taiwan. We believe that these objectives, including the guarantee of adequate protection of U.S. economic interests in Taiwan, can be obtained through effective negotiations. We believe (Peiping) has more to gain from normalization than the United States, and our negotiators should not hesitate to use this to their advantage. Finally, we believe that the current diplomatic situation with the 'two Chinas,' although admittedly not too tidy, has served and protected our economic interests well." The State Department, should not, he said, "set early deadlines and rush into a settlement of dubious value."
Much has been made of the "importance" of the Chinese mainland market. Since the establishment of U.S.-Peiping commercial relations, trade volume has amounted to less than US$2 billion.
The high of US$922 million came in 1974, when the Communists were buying Boeing airliners, and then declined to US$462 million in 1975 and US$337 million in 1976. Trade between the United States and the Republic of China totaled US$4.8 billion in the year of 1976 alone and will be well over US$5 billion this year. Taiwan is the 12th ranking trade partner of the United States.
Peiping does not permit long-term credits or investments. Most trading contacts are carried out at the semi-annual trade fairs in Canton. U.S. commercial agents cannot operate on the Chinese mainland. American banks are not allowed to handle trade and other financial transactions between the U.S. and Peiping.
The United States has more than US$500 million invested in the Republic of China and is accorded full business reciprocity. More than US$2 billion has been extended to the ROC by the U.S. Export-Import Bank and other American financial institutions. Americans can own 100 per cent of their Taiwan businesses and even the land on which a factory is located.
Van Gessel cited these business and industrial freedoms of the Republic of China: "In Taiwan, you can bring in your technology, manufacture to U.S. quality standards and export your products with little difficulty. There is hardly a country that is more free in that respect, and (Peiping) offers none of these conditions. In Taiwan, we have the ability to operate as we see fit in creating economic opportunity. As long as our operations have economic value and generally conform to national economic goals, they can progress unimpeded. In Taiwan, we are able to employ and discharge employees as our business conditions demand. We are able to train people, and we are able to export as well as import trained technicians. We are able to conduct research and development, patent our inventions and develop new technology. In (the Chinese mainland) such freedoms are nonexistent."
Premier Chiang Ching-kuo has often said that the mutual defense treaty between the Republic of China and the United States is the key to the preservation of Asian freedom and essential to the peace of the region and the world. This viewpoint has gained increasing support in recent months. Even the advocates of "normalization" with Peiping have hesitations about urging termination of the treaty. At the least, they suggest that a substitute - such as a joint Congressional resolution – be found.
American businessmen believe, van Gessel said, that the treaty is central to their economic survival in Taiwan. No informal substitute such as a Congressional resolution is acceptable, he added. To the American on Taiwan, the treaty means stability. To the American businessman it means "the stability to make sound investment decisions and operate our business profitably." Van Gessel made these further points about the treaty:
- If the treaty were abrogated, "we would be deeply concerned about the psychological impact on the people of Taiwan. As we withdrew their cornerstone, we would seriously hurt their confidence, possibly cause political divisions and create a general sense of abandonment. I for one would not want to run a company in Taiwan under these conditions."
- Abrogation would set a precedent for termination of at least 58 other treaties the U.S. has with the Republic of China. These treaties and agreements concern such areas as shoe and textile quotas, aviation landing rights, tariffs on imports and exports, guarantees of American investments of private capital, safeguard of nuclear materials and protection of American citizens. It is quite apparent that all these are directly related to the ability to do business and survive economically on Taiwan.
- Third, a regional effect would be inevitable. Japan, which recognized the Chinese Communists under the "Japanese formula," still deals effectively with Taiwan on trade and investment matters. But the Japanese are strongly opposed to acceptance of such a formula for U.S. "normalization" with Peiping. Japan considers that the U.S.-ROC mutual assistance treaty is crucial to the stability required in doing business with Taiwan. The South Koreans feel the same way.
- Fourth, the Asian view of the United States would be altered. Stability of the Asian area depends on the American presence. "We have already eroded our credibility through the Vietnam conflict. If we now sell out a long-term ally like the Republic of China, this would be considered a deplorable act on the part of the United States. Asian countries would have good reason to doubt our national integrity."
Red China has never promised that it would not attack the Republic of China. To the contrary, it has frequently said that it would resort to military force if the ROC declined to surrender and allow the Communist forces to occupy the island. Free China has strong military forces, but these require a continuing supply of weapons from the United States. The Chinese Communists have said that shipment of U.S. armaments to Taiwan is out of the question after "normalization. "
Van Gessel told the U.S. Congress that military attack is not the only thing which could cripple Taiwan. Once the U.S. government said that the 16.5 million Chinese of Taiwan live in a province of China controlled by Peiping, the Chinese Communists "would be in an excellent position to pressure nations and companies to forego trade with Taiwan. And even more directly (Peiping) could blockade the shipping lanes leading to and from the island with immediate adverse results to its economic viability and its foreign investors, Americans included."
To the foreign businessman, the defense treaty means stability - the guarantee that war will not come to destroy his factory or drive him off the island. To the people of Taiwan, the defense treaty is assurance that they will be able to live in peace, develop their economy as a model for all China and wait for the fall of the Communists and the reuniting of Taiwan with the mainland in freedom.
Premier Chiang summed up the position of the Republic of China and assessed the truth about the "China question" in his late September report to the Legislative Yuan. He said that those who considered Taiwan to be a "knot" or "obstacle" preventing Asian peace had distorted facts and fallen into the propaganda trap set by the Chinese Communists and their fellow-travelers.
"Taiwan became a province of the Republic of China as a result of China's victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan," the Premier said. "It has now become a bastion in the struggle against Communism and for national recovery. In keeping with the fundamental spirit of the Constitution of the Republic of China during the last more than 30 years, Taiwan has been made a place of democracy, freedom, prosperity, equitable wealth, stability and peace. It has become a symbol of peace and stability in the Asian-Pacific region as well as the focal point of hope for the Chinese people shut behind the Iron Curtain and scattered around the world. Taiwan is not a 'knot' or 'obstacle' blocking world peace, but a fortress and bulwark of world peace.
"The fall of the Chinese mainland to the Communists resulted from an accumulation of historical mistakes and was the greatest human tragedy of this century. The huge territory and the teeming population of China are certain to be influential in world affairs. The question is whether the people of the world want to see China as a member of the free world, contributing to human happiness, or would prefer to connive in the tyrannical rule of the Chinese Communists, thus giving them a free hand to enslave the Chinese people and injure the world. Intelligent people clearly understand that the question is not the so-called 'Taiwan issue' of merging Taiwan in the present constituency of mainland China but of the appropriate form of China itself - whether it is to be a democratic China or a Communist China. This is the essence and truth of the 'China issue.'
"In Taiwan, the Republic of China is striving to lay the foundations for a new China of true democracy, freedom and peace in harmony with the Chinese historical and cultural tradition. In time to come, we shall take the fruit of our construction in Taiwan to the mainland together with the Constitution. In this way, all our compatriots - like their brothers and sisters in Taiwan - will be able to enjoy a happy life, display their wisdom and talent, and contribute to the common well-being and progress of all the people of the world.
"This means that there is only one answer to the 'China question:' tyrannical Communist rule must be terminated and a democratic China reestablished.
"This is also a completely correct answer. The reason is simple: All that the Chinese Communist regime has been doing is designed to destroy the traditional thought, ethics and morals of China and the whole of its system and policy is opposed to the wishes and aspirations of the Chinese people.
"We must consequently reiterate:
" - There is only one China, which is the Republic of China personally founded by Dr. Sun Yat-sen, and there is only one lawful government, which is the government of the Republic of China created in an election based on the Constitution formulated by the National Assembly. We will never tolerate any change in the governmental system and legitimacy of the Republic of China. We are determined to ensure our national independence and freedom and meet every form of challenge.
" - The Republic of China will never change its basic policy of respecting democracy, enforcing the rule of law and protecting human rights. We are determined to safeguard our constitutional system and implement it throughout China.
" - Based on a spirit of independence and initiative and the principles of equality and reciprocity, the Republic of China follows a consistent foreign policy of good neighborliness with other nations, respect for treaties, the promotion of international cooperation, the advancement of international justice and the assurance of world peace. We shall never change our position of adhering to the democratic camp. We shall continue our close and sincere communications with all freedom-loving nations and peoples. We shall not, however, accept any arrangement that might jeopardize our national interest and our national dignity.
" - The Republic of China will never waver from its determined anti-Communist position. We shall never change our established policy of refusing to negotiate or compromise with the Chinese Communists. We have pledged ourselves to struggle to the end in recovering the mainland, wiping out Communist tyranny and establishing a new China based on the Three Principles of the People.
" ... Our anti-Communist struggle is a war of justice to free the people from tyranny, so our success will be decided by the support of the people rather than the numerical strength of the troops. By the same token, the destiny of our country will be decided not by the external situation but by our own unity and struggle.
"We have today the determination and courage for self-establishment, self-reliance and self-confidence. We also have dedicated, unconquerable and ambitious spiritual strength. Together with our national defenses, our political and economic strength and the staunch support of the overseas Chinese, this will be more than sufficient to control the variables of any time, stem the adverse tide and create a new vista for us."
Something happened on Secretary Vance's trip to Peiping. Maybe he learned that the "normalization" price was too high. Possibly President Carter came to understand the contradiction between "normalization" and his position on morality and human rights. "Normalization" appeared to go into the deep freeze with Vance's return to Washington. Huang Hua, Peiping's liaison representative in Washington, is going home. The Chinese Communist representative at the United Nations went off to Canada and showed little interest in high-level U.S. contacts. Vance had his meeting with the Republic of China's Ambassador Shen.
It's as though the executive branch of the U.S. government had again become aware of the Republic of China's existence and viability. This is combined with increased awareness of the intransigence of the Chinese Communist regime. Washington has quietly said that Ambassador Leonard Unger will be returning from his home leave. Other statements declared flatly that there would be no change in the status of the Taipei embassy. A new commander of the Taiwan Defense Command took up his post. According to high U.S. sources, no further withdrawals of the 1,400 or so American military personnel still in Taiwan are contemplated.
People and government of free China were not made overconfident by these small straws in the wind. The ROC has had to become a land of realism and realists. Americans are still strongly drawn to the Chinese continent by the mere facts of its size and huge population. They have difficulty in comprehending that despite the usurpation of 28 years, Communism is not the wave of the Chinese future. By keeping its cool and resorting to facts rather than propaganda, the Republic of China appeared to be forging ahead in efforts to persuade the Carter administration to go slow, to leave the status quo in place and to allow time for the Chinese people to decide the future shape of China. The feeling of the people of Taiwan is that while the United States cannot be expected to come to the assistance of the Republic of China in actions of mainland recovery, it can be expected not to do anything that would make it virtually impossible for all of the Chinese people to express themselves freely regarding the system and government under which they wish to live.
The Chinese long have spoken of a "change in the weather" to symbolize an approaching political turnover. With the death of Mao, the continuing power struggle and the instability on the Chinese mainland, Communist weather was assuredly in the process of change. The United States seemed to recognize this despite the continuing lip service to the Shanghai communique and "normalization of relations" with Peiping.
As recently as June, Secretary Vance addressed the Asia Society of New York and failed to mention the Republic of China among the Asian friends and allies of the United States. It was a hurtful blow to the people of free China. Tens of thousands of cables and letters descended on Mr. Vance and the White House. The affront was unnecessary and unworthy of the United States.
Not that the ROC hadn't become accustomed to slights from its best friend in the family of nations. Richard Nixon made up his mind about 1968 that he was going to undertake an opening to Peiping. The rationale has never been fully explained and is, perhaps, inexplicable, along with many other things laid at Nixon's door.
The United States failed to defend the Republic of China's position at the United Nations. Its performance was perfunctory, and that enabled the Chinese Communists to usurp China's seat while compelling the withdrawal of free China. From that point on, the situation slowly went from bad to worse. At times the relationship of the White House with the Republic of China wasn't correct even in terms of minimal courtesy. Presidents Nixon, Ford and Carter studiously avoided contact with the ROC ambassador in Washington. Henry Kissinger went to the Chinese mainland time after time. He never came to Taiwan.
The American people and many members of the U.S. Congress - probably a majority - did not sympathize with this treatment of a friend and ally. Americans as a whole would like to be friends with the Chinese everywhere. They do not know much about Chinese Communism. They do know that they do not wish to recognize the Chinese Communists at the expense of the Republic of China and the people of Taiwan.
The Free Chinese reservoir of goodwill in the United States is immense. Many Americans have traveled to Taiwan as tourists. They know of the ROC's accomplishments and the aspirations of its people. They are aware of Taiwan's freedoms.
When Jimmy Carter assumed the U.S. presidency, hopes ran high in free China. He had talked a great deal about human rights and morality. The American people seemed to have chosen him because he represented values in which they believed but which had become somewhat tarnished over the years. The Republic of China then was shocked and alarmed to find that President Carter was pushing ahead with the Nixon-Ford policy of "normalizing relations" with the Chinese Communists.
The National Revolution which had its 66th anniversary October 10, 1977, is not a static event but an ongoing process. Both Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek considered themselves revolutionaries. Communism is reaction, not revolution. It has returned to tyranny rather than going forward to democracy.
The Republic of China's National Revolution has not departed from its revolutionary character. It has not become old and tired and static. It is a Revolution of change, of the acceptance of new ideas, of protection of the cultural heritage but not through blind adherence, of blending the best of East and West, and of the extension of such democratic ideas as education for all and advancement through merit rather than because of backing from family or friends.
Progress is undeniable. Taiwan is the most prosperous province in Chinese history. If cultural advance is something less than could be desired, that is largely because of preoccupation with the struggle against the Communists. Government remains imperfect. As in other lands, the effort to transcend the shortcomings of bureaucracy goes on. Still, the people are master and the government is servant. This was affirmed once again in elections this month and will be repeated in the constitutional choice of a new president and vice president next year.
The Communists had little to say on the October I anniversary of their usurpation this year. The contrast with the jubilant celebration of the Republic of China's October 10 was obvious to all who took the trouble to examine the details of both occasions. The only Chinese Revolution, the only genuine expression of the Chinese people, was to be found in the triumph of the Double Tenth. This was the National Revolution of the new China that Dr. Sun envisaged, the uncompleted Revolution that awaited the uniting of Taiwan with the Chinese mainland under conditions of freedom, democracy and peace.