Peiping Recruits Overseas Students
Communist agents are busy throughout Southeast Asia enticing Chinese boys and girls to the Red-controlled mainland of China.
Nationalist sources in Singapore said that Chinese Communist fifth columnists offer the students free education and support on the Chinese mainland, graduation from the university within three months and well-paid jobs.
Of 30,000 such youths required by the Mao Tse-tung regime to work as cadres, it is estimated that 10,000 have already been recruited from Southeast Asian countries.
Recruitment seems to be more successful in Indonesia than anywhere else. In the last two months, about 1,000 Chinese students have left that country to complete their studies in Communist universities and colleges.
It may be recalled that many high school graduates in Malaya returned to the Chinese mainland two years ago. Many parents, caught unawares by their children's flight, flew to Hongkong to bring them off the ships and back to Malaya. Chinese parents in Singapore and Malaya have since been more careful of their children's activities. It is said that money for the passages and other expenses comes from Communist businessmen and banks and that in certain school, the Reds even maintain agents--boy and girl students who attend school not to learn but to indoctrinate their fellow students.
A well-known Chinese intellectual who backed the Communists after the fall of Shanghai to the Reds in 1950 and who is now in Singapore disclosed that the Communists had told him that the Communist regime wanted 30,000 cadres from overseas.--(AP)
Confession of an Overseas Student
The following story was told by Huang Tien, an overseas student from Singapore who had recently made his escape from the Chinese mainland:--
Although I was born and brought up in Singapore, I have always loved my home country. Since I was a child, I have been especially interested in Chinese history and geography. My fondest hope was that I would one day be able to return to my homeland.
The year I entered senior middle school, I came under the influence of Communist propaganda. My thoughts underwent a drastic change. Within one year, I had become a rabid "socialist." The next year, I joined the "New Democratic Youth Corps." My job was to encourage my fellow students to engage in political activities and to instigate labor trouble among the overseas Chinese laborers. In the third year, I did my work so well that I was given an award by the Chinese Communists and the title of "Group Leader."
Because of the nature of my political activities, I was advised by the British authorities to leave Singapore. With the assistance of Communist agents, I obtained my entry permit to the Chinese mainland without any difficulty. Together with 25 other Chinese, I arrived in Shumchun via Hongkong on January 12.
My dream had at last come true. I had finally returned to my fatherland. We were taken by a representative of the "Border Defense Bureau" to a temple-like guesthouse for overseas Chinese where we spent the night. The next morning, a "Special Commissioner" from the "Overseas Affairs Commission" came to inspect our papers and to give us individual
interviews.
An armed guard stood in front of a small room. We walked into the room separately when our names were called. For some of us, the interview was extremely brief. For others, the interview lasted much longer. Those who had had long interviews had to collect their personal effects on coming out and to follow an armed guard to another place for further questionings.
I was lucky. The interview was short and sweet. The "Special Commissioner" said to me, "I have seen your documents, and I am glad to know that you are anxious to return and serve your fatherland. However, I would like to know whether you still cherish your family ties and whether it is your desire to continue your studies or to receive some work assignment."
I frankly replied that I had long desired to serve my country, and that I had severed all family ties. He seemed pleased with my answer and told me that I would be sent to Canton where 1 would be given my assignment. Out of the part of 26, nine were thought to be questionable cases. They were sent to a camp in Huichow for further indoctrination. The other 17, myself included, boarded a train for Canton.
Upon our arrival in Canton, we were taken to the "Overseas Chinese Guesthouse of the Overseas Affairs Commission" on Han Min Road, This was formerly the three-storeyed Columbus Restaurant. At that time, there were some 600 guests, all young and able-bodied. Some of them had returned to China to enter universities and colleges. Some were technicians. The rest, like myself, had been compelled to leave the country of domicile and to return to China.
The guest house was extremely crudely furnished. We all had to sleep on the floor. The 17 of us formed one group. One of us was named group leader. We were told to sleep in a reception room on the top floor.
We had hardly settled down when we were instructed by a Communist worker by the name of Chen Ming-ta to get on with the writing of our autobiography. After we had submitted our autobiographies, we were subjected to protracted grillings. Our answers were invariably checked against what we had written. If a discrepancy should occur somewhere in the interview, we would be asked how the mistake could have occurred, and why it was that we did not tell the truth. These interviews sometimes lasted a whole week. Two of us who had failed to satisfy their interrogators were taken away. Nobody knew or dared to ash where they had gone.
After I had completed all the necessary procedures, I was taken on a tour of schools, government offices, civic organizations and factories. Then I was taken on another tour of various places that were of interest to visitors, such as the Canton Bridge, Sun Yat-sen Memorial Hall and "The People's Stadium." Everywhere we went, we were met by a "greeter" who never failed to speak of the achievements made by the "government" in glowing terms.
We spent over half a month inspecting what the Communists called "the best" schools and factories. Then we were told to write a "subjective" report of what we had seen and heard and to offer criticisms. Most of us were completely stumped, because we had pictured the Chinese Communist regime as a sort of paradise on earth and now we had come to see what it was really like. How could we write a report that would be acceptable to the Communists?
We had heard so much from the Communist agents about freedom and equality under the Chinese Red regime, and yet, we did not see any freedom or equality during our two months in Canton. Instead of freedom and equality, everywhere we saw the exploitation of the people by the Chinese Communists.
We had often heard of the progress of reconstruction in continental China, the development of industrial enterprises and the well-being and contentment of the people. What we actually saw in Canton was a lot of slogans pasted on walls. We did not see anything new put up by the Communists. There were practically no new factories to speak of. What factories there were appeared to be ill-equipped, and the rate of production had shown no increase during the past three years. Most of them were turning out goods of inferior quality.
So far as the standard of living was concerned, three different classes were clearly discernible. First, the senior Communist officials were provided with free living quarters, motorcars and everything they needed. Next came the middle and lower grade Communist officials. In addition to their salary, they were provided with everything they needed. Although they were plainly dressed, they ate well and usually smoked American cigarettes which cost JMP10,000 a pack. Last came the ordinary people who lined up in front of the "Unemployment Bureau" every day asking for work. They used to be paid eight catties of rice a day. This was later replaced by an indefinite amount of bean flour.
We, too, had to work to earn our keep. In addition to 12 taels of rice a day, we were paid JMP1,000. We had to do what we were told to do, and that included sweeping the streets and clearing the drains.
In April, two of us who had worked as electricians were sent to the Northeast. Most of us possessed no particular skill in any field of work, but because we were young and healthy, we were told that we would be sent to a pilots training school.
What I had seen and heard during the few months that I was on the Chinese mainland was sufficient to remove any desire which I might have had to serve my fatherland. I did the only thing I could under the circumstances. I made my escape from the Communist-controlled mainland of China so that I could regain my freedom.
-(Kung Sheung Daily News)
Will the Chinese Reds Invade Burma?
In recent weeks, there have been numerous reports on the extensive preparations on the part of the Chinese Communists to invade northern Burmese territory.
According to the latest news dispatches, the Chinese Communists have erected a number of barracks in northern Burma over which five-star flags can be seen fluttering in the wind.
Theses developments are causing considerable anxiety in Rangoon. The question which is being frequently asked is, "Will the Communists start a large-scale invasion of Burma?" The answer probably is, "Quite possibly, but not at the present moment."
Militarily speaking, the occupation of Burma is of the greatest strategic value in the overall Red aggression time-table for Southeast Asia. Furthermore, the Communists find in Burma a far easier target to seize--in view of Burma's comparatively weak defenses--than Indo-China, for instance, where the French Union forces have established strong fortifications in their fight against the Vietminh Communists. Thus, the Communist leaders generally consider the conquest of Burma as a "walkover."
However, the time is not ripe for the Communists to strike. The Kremlin leaders still believe that subversive national elements who uphold the Communist cause in the respective countries in Southeast Asia are capable of succeeding in an ultimate coup d'etat without direct outside military intervention.
Will the future fate of Burma follow that of the Chinese mainland? Taking into consideration the various factors now available for a survey of the situation in Burma, it is quite possible that before the Burmese realize what has happened, the Communist flag may have been planted over the country.
Since Burma became independent, its political life has appeared to be in a perpetual state of confusion due to internal bickerings, and the subversive Communist activities have further aggravated the overall situation.
Under such circumstances, the Red ring around Burma is ever tightening. Should the Communist leaders consider the time ripe for occupation, all they need to do is to accelerate the delivery of military supplies to the Burmese Communists, and further fan the domestic political unrest in order to accomplish their purpose. It is only a matter of selecting the time or taking over the country.
-(China's Voice)
Education on the Chinese Mainland
The leaders of the Peiping regime are slowly but surely taking over complete control of all agencies and personnel engaged in educational institutions. This can mean only one thing, that is, complete elimination of the educational system as we know it today.
Since the beginning of the year, the officials of the various administrative areas, in line with Red propaganda to implement the Communist reconstruction program, have instituted an increasing number of schools with special emphasis on technical studies. Academic standards are completely disregarded. Even the most fundamental conditions--the suitability of the site for the construction of an institute of learning, school equipment for experiments and qualified teachers--are disregarded. The Communist educational authorities are concerned with only one thing--that when a new semester opens, the enrolment lists of these "institutes of learning" should be filled to capacity.
As these newly-established technological schools are politically linked with their respective administrative areas' educational bureaus, they are only nominally under the control of the educational authorities in Peiping.
In the midst of this confusion, the Communist authorities have never taken any interest in improving the facilities of the technological institutes throughout the country. With the exception of compulsory reports on the activities of this category of schools, the authorities in Peiping have practically no contact with them. Some of the largest technological institutes must report to the regional authorities, and their requests for assistance from the educational authorities in Peiping are always ignored.
Under the present system, the educational authorities are unable to train sufficient technical personnel to meet their needs. The Communist educators, mostly former political workers, are more interested in the political aspects in their teaching programs. According to the Hsin Hua Daily News of Chungking dated June 12, even the faculty members of these institutes are exceedingly skeptical as to how the graduates would fare when they leave school.
- (China Weekly)
Precocity
Hsu Ju-tse once played under the silvery moon night when he was only a nine-year old child. Someone remarked, "If there weren't anything in the moon, will it not shine all the brighter? Hsu said, "I should think otherwise. There is a pupil in the eye, and without the pupil we shan't be able to see at all. "
-From Shih Sho Hsin Yu