Chinese Communist Affairs
(bi-monthly), "Peiping's Political Infiltration of Africa" by Ting Kuang-hua—Peiping's aggressive infiltration of African countries began right after the "Afro-Asian Conference" in Bandung in April, 1955. Under the pretext of "goodwill missions," the Chinese Communists have sent a large number of agents specializing in "united front" tactics to various African countries to carry out infiltration. They have tried to win over leftists and dissident politicians and maneuver them into supporting a pro-Peiping policy. Agents also have used "united front" tactics to promote Peiping diplomatic ties with these countries.
The number of African visitors from Peiping—including such ranking Communists as Chou En-lai, Chen Yi, Nieh Jung-chen, Kuo Mo-jo, Liu Ning-i, and Yeh Chi-chung increases steadily. In addition to those dispatched secretly, Peiping sent these groups to Africa: 1 in 1955, 9 in 1956, 8 in 1957, 14 in 1958, 7 in 1959, 19 in 1960, 12 in 1961, 14 in 1962, 33 in 1963, 38 in 1964, and 10 in the first four months of 1965.
Chou En-lai has gone to Africa three times in the last three years. His purpose was to support pro-Communist movements, offer economic aid as bait, expel Western European influence, and undermine friendly relations between African countries and the Republic of China and the United States.
Peiping also seeks to manipulate various Afro-Asian conferences. Since Bandung, Peiping has attended the "Afro-Asian Peoples' Solidarity Conference", the "Afro-Asian Economic Conference", the "Conference of Afro-Asian Writers", the "Conference of Afro-Asian Journalists", and the "Conference of Afro-Asian Women". It has sent observers to the "All-Africa People's Congress", "All Africa Federation of Labor Unions Meeting", "Meeting of Foreign Ministers of African Countries", and the "Meeting of the Federation of Laborers of Dark Africa".
"The Afro-Asian Peoples' Solidarity Conference" was a brainchild of the Peiping regime. The first conference was held in Cairo in 1957 with 36 countries and areas participating. The agenda and discussions were prearranged by the Chinese Reds.
The second "Afro-Asian Peoples' Solidarity Conference" was held in Conakry, capital of Guinea, in 1960, the third in Moshi of Tanganyika in 1963, and the fourth in Vinovmk of Ghana this year. All were masterminded by Peiping regime. Missions and meetings are Peiping's tools for taking over Africa.
Behaviorism or Value
Thought and Word (monthly), A Study of the Political Behavioral Approach" by Hua Lih-chin—
The behavioral approach to political science is now one of the most influential research methods in the United States. This approach attempts to apply the research methods of natural science to the study of political problems.
Logic and empiricism are established research methods of such sciences as physics and "biology. But their usefulness is subject to doubt in political research.
Political scientists of the behavioral school are of the opinion that the difference between behavioral and physical science is merely one of development. Both are subject to scientific method and technology.
In natural science, the phenomena are relatively simple. The result of a test should be the same as that of another test at a different time and place. Temperature, speed, weight and density can be measured. Water is the same wherever and whenever. But this is not the same in the social sciences. The beliefs of man and the institutions of society are always changing and never identical.
In political science only such factors as population and voting are subject to quantitative measurement. No two democratic systems are the same. No two belief-systems are identical.
Political scientists of the behavioral school have not accomplished much. The problems they have solved are of minor importance. Politics is an area of pragmatic problems. It should be treated as such.
Also, behavioral scientists are not concerned with the concept of value. In truth, however, the value judgments of political science are intimately related to political reality. Democratic values assure men of freedom and justice. Communism seeks to destroy these values. How can a political scientist ignore the value factor?
Still A Need for Aid
Economic Development (monthly), "Termination of U.S. Economic Aid and Reactions of Free China" by Mo Hsuan-yuan—
U.S. economic aid to free China in the last 14 years has balanced international payments, stabilized the foreign exchange rate, covered a major part of the government's deficits, and stabilized the prices of commodities.
Termination of U.S. aid, a Washington decision apparently based on free China's economic prospects, will pose major difficulties for the Chinese government.
Despite much improvement, financial deficits have not been totally eliminated. The possibility of larger deficits in the immediate future and of accelerating inflation cannot be ruled out.
The rosy picture of economic prospects is partly to raise morale as economic aid ends.
Taiwan is not only the base of counterattack by the Republic of China but also an important bastion in checking Communist expansion. The burden of the island is heavy in terms of its resources, population, and the size of its armed forces.
The Chinese government will be unwise to minimize the impact of U.S. economic aid termination. It is not necessary to hide things from free China's U.S. ally in order to save face.
It is not the government's policy to seek help from others when such help is not needed. Yet it would be wrong to put up a false front. This would hurt the country's economy and be detrimental to the overall strength of anti-Communism.
Asian Alliance Hurdles
Issues & Studies (monthly), "Problems Concerning the Formation of An Anti-Communist Asian Alliance" by Teng Kung-hsuan—
Asia is an area of primary importance in the anti-Communist struggle. Countries bordering the Chinese mainland must choose between accommodation with the Peiping regime to save their skins; or stronger anti-Communist preparations.
In recent years, such Asian countries as the Republic of Korea and the Philippines have proposed establishment of an anti-Communist alliance. Out of his farsightedness, President Chiang Kai-shek earlier made suggestions for joint defense and mutual protection. On April 12 of this year, President Chiang again urged the free nations to form an Asian anti-Communist alliance. These were the main points in his interview with United Press International:
"First, the United States should give moral encouragement to all anti-Communist nations in Asia so that they can fulfill their often-expressed desire to form an alliance among themselves. With such an alliance, the nations concerned can help one another in their struggle against the common enemy, namely the Chinese Communists.
"Second, these anti-Communist nations, once they are assured of U.S. moral support and material assistance, can work out a program of coordinated action among themselves. Thus they will no longer be isolated and forced to fight alone. The moment the Chinese Communists attack anyone of them, in case of necessity the rest will all come to its aid. This is the basic spirit of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. This same spirit should prevail in the Pacific area.
"Third, in the case of such countries as South Vietnam, which are still ill-prepared to fight entirely on their own, it may be necessary for the United States to provide them with limited naval and air support in their war against Communists in their territory. But in the case of other anti-Communist Asian nations, such as the Republic of China, that have well-trained armed forces, they should have their hands unshackled so that they can use their own strength to launch a crusade against a rebel regime in their own country. In so doing, they will be destroying the sanctuary of the Chinese Communists' aggression against the free world. The United States need not send a single soldier to fight on the Chinese mainland. Thus other countries could be denied any ground to intervene in China's domestic affairs."
Anti-Communist countries of Asia have expressed firm support of President Chiang's proposal. Reaction has been favorable in the United States. However, we should not forget that similar efforts have been made in the past but without success. Not long ago, the government of the Republic of Korea futilely suggested a conference of Asian foreign ministers.
Cooperation among Asian anti-Communist countries faces obstacles. There have been differences between the Philippines and the Federation of Malaysia. Normalization of relations between Japan and South Korea does not ensure a partnership.
Washington wants to check Peiping's expansion. Yet the United States has never offered positive support to the Republic of China in regaining the mainland. From the American point of view, the bilateral and multilateral treaties that already exist between the United States and its Asian allies are sufficient. The United States has regarded an anti-Communist Asian alliance as superfluous and has not supported it.
However, the situation is changing. Conflicts among the free Asian nations are diminishing. They feel endangered since Peiping's nuclear tests and realize the urgency of an anti-Communist alliance.
We hope the United States will do better than the present policy of containment in Asia. Washington should extend moral and material assistance to an Asian anti-Communist alliance so it can be established and carry out its mission successfully.
East and West Do Meet
Chinese Journal (monthly), "The Historical Road of Asia" by Hu Chiu-yuan—
Since Asian countries first came in contact with the West, the general feeling has been that the West is superior in science and democracy. Asian countries have been trying to catch up.
Should Asians repudiate their own traditions, undertake substantial reforms to meet Western culture halfway, or make a reappraisal of Western culture?
The author believes that too much has been made of the differences between East and West. They have much in common. Communism is far more of a threat than the differences between East and West.
Some say Communism is only a modernized version of Chinese tradition and that Communism will be the shortcut to modernization for all backward nations. This is empty talk.
China has not been a feudal state since the age of Warring States. Since Han times, China has shown characteristics of political, economic, and cultural modernization.
Neither socialism nor Communism originated in China. Uprisings of peasants in Chinese history were never led by the peasants themselves.
Only after the 17th century did Chinese culture and society take a different path and begin to lag behind the West. Prior to that, Chinese institutions and systems usually were regarded as superior.
The European industrial revolution was the landmark in modernization of the world. Asia lost influence. There is now an imbalance between the industrial society of the West and the agricultural society of the East.
Communism is only a passing phase. In the long run and for freedom, equality and love of mankind, cooperation between East and West is mandatory. This will eliminate Communism.
The historical road of Asia is to promote such cooperation between the East and West, and to implement the industrialization of its own region. Industrialization in the Communist style would negate the values which we have cherished for so many centuries.
U.S. Needs Free China
Training News (monthly), "Sino-American Cooperation for the Elimination of the Communist Threats" by Hsiao Chih-cheng—
Political instability, economic backwardness, and military vulnerability of the Southeast Asian countries, plus the factor of power politics imposed by European and American powers, are responsible for the chaos there.
But the international Communists are master designers in capitalizing upon confusion for their own benefit.
France has been unable to play an important role in Southeast Asia since the debacle of Dien Bien Phu in 1954. Moscow can no longer exercise restraints as a result of the feud with Peiping.
Great Britain is too busy to give any substantial support to the United States in the Vietnamese war because of her commitments to Malaysia.
Despite token support from others, Washington must take up the whole burden of fighting the localized hot war in Vietnam.
U.S. policy in Southeast Asia is to maintain the status quo. The strategy in Vietnam is nothing more than a maneuver to persuade the Hanoi regime to come to terms with South Vietnam.
The Communists have not desisted from their aggressive efforts in South Vietnam and other parts of Southeast Asia. U.S. air attacks so far have failed to achieve the intended purpose. The American military buildup in South Vietnam has not improved the war situation. On the contrary, both the Hanoi regime and the Viet Cong are getting tougher each day, preparing for the showdown with the U.S.-Vietnamese force in the hope of a new Dien Bien Phu.
The author is of the opinion that use of free China's armed forces in Vietnam would be the surest way to bring the Vietnamese war to a victorious conclusion. Washington should study the victorious experience of the Chinese National Government in suppressing the Communist rebels in Kiangsi province in the 30's.
Democracy's Dilemma
Revolutionary Thought (monthly), "The Doctrine of Separation of Powers and Ability in Government of Dr. Sun Yat-sen and Representative Government in the West" by Chiao Pao-tai—
There are two types of democratic government: direct democracy and the indirect democracy of representative government. In direct democracy, as advocated by Jean Jacque Rousseau of France, the people will exercise political power directly, while in an indirect democracy such as that advocated by John Locke of England, political power will be exercised by elected representatives.
The trouble with the representative government is that once elected, the representatives may be subject to the voters' control. The tendency is for representatives to manipulate power. Parliamentary dictatorship in a democratic country is not a hypothetical problem.
But neither direct democracy nor indirect democracy involves the separation of political from administrative power, as recommended by Dr. Sun Yat-sen.
This seems to be the reason why the representative system of the West does not work well. The theory of separation of powers adopted in the American system does not make a distinction between political power and administrative ability. In fact, the legislative power, though political by nature, is characterized by administrative content. The consent of the U.S. Senate to major political appointments is an example.
The system of checks and balances makes the political picture all the more confusing. When the political branch oversteps its limits, the administrative structure is seriously jeopardized. When the administration goes too far, the result may be political dictatorship or at least big government.
One of the political phenomena in Western Europe is the political instability resulting from frequent changes of cabinet. The multi-party system is usually to blame. But the situation also is aggravated by the ever-growing power of the legislature. Parliamentary supremacy results from the lack of a c1earcut separation of the political power of the legislature from the administrative power of the executive branch.
In Great Britain of earlier times, Parliament controlled the cabinet. In recent years, the power relationship has been reversed in favor of the cabinet. The prime minister not only controls the administration but the parliament, too, as a leader of the majority party. Theoretically, this may encourage administrative dictatorship. Dr. Sun's separation of political from administrative power is the best political device ever devised to cope with this problem.