2024/11/23

Taiwan Today

Taiwan Review

Editorials: Friends from Across the Ocean; Mr. Johnson's Asian Tour; The Geneva Conference on Laos

June 01, 1961
President Prado, riding on an open limousine in the company of President Chiang, receives a rousing welcome from the well-wishers in Taipei. (File photo)
Friends from Across the Ocean

President and Madame Manuel Prado y Ugarteche of Peru arrived in Taipei on May 22 for a four-day state visit. The visit, first of its kind made by a Latin American chief of state to this country, is highly significant in the history of Sino-Latin American relations.

Sino-Peruvian friendship dates back to June 1874 when China signed a trade treaty with Peru. In 1875 China appointed its first minister to Peru, thus beginning the diplomatic relations between the two countries. In September 1944, the Chinese Legation in Lima and the Peruvian Legation in Chung-king were, respectively, elevated to embassy status to start a new page of closer Sino-Peruvian friendship. Although Peru did not have any representative in Taipei for a period about ten years, the recent appointment of His Excellency Anibal Ponce Sobrevilla as Peruvian Ambassador to China has further strengthened the friendly relations between Peru and China.

(Top) Seated from left to right: Senora Manuel Prado, Madame Chiang Kai-shek, President Chiang Kai-shek, and and President Manuel Prado. (Bottom) During a visit to a Taoyuan village, President Prado is seen chatting merrily with an old farmer whereas Vice President Chen Cheng is shaking hands with another.(File photo)

With the state visit of President and Senora Prado to the Republic of China, the relations between the two countries have entered upon a new era. During his four-day stay here, President Prado saw for himself what the government and people of China have done to promote the general welfare of the people in this country. It is gratifying that he has shown profound understanding of our aspirations and confidence in the ultimate recovery of the Chinese mainland. He expressed in unmistakable terms his continued support for the government of the Republic of China in the United Nations. The joint communiqué issued before his departure reaffirmed that the two countries recognize Communist expansion as the major threat to the entire free world. In the communiqué, the two leaders agree that there is a vital need for closer unity and cooperation among all free nations to achieve common security against aggression, infiltration and subversion.

The Republic of China and Peru share the same ideals of democracy and freedom and are striving for the same cause in fighting against communism. The Chinese Government and people will always remember the consistent support which the Peruvian Government has extended to the Republic of China on the so-called question of Chinese representation in the past decade. They are aware of the hospitality and protection which the 20,000 Chinese people have enjoyed in Peru, and knew very well that Peru and other Latin American countries are now important bulwarks of the free world for stemming the Communist tide of global conquest.

It is therefore our belief and hope that as a result of President Prado's visit to China not only will the friendly ties between the Republic of China and Peru be strengthened but also the relationship between China and Latin America as a whole be greatly enhanced.

Mr. Johnson’s Asian Tour

From every respect us Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson's visit to the Republic of China was a resounding success. The overwhelmingly warm and spontaneous welcome accorded him was comparable to that accorded to former US President Dwight D. Eisenhower. As far as the results of the talks are concerned, the Chiang-Johnson joint communiqué was concrete proof that the United States is adopting a more active policy in the Far East.

According to the communiqué, there was complete agreement on the common purpose of the two countries in maintaining "the integrity of Free Asia." The Vice President made it crystal clear that the United States means to stand with her allies in the Asian area; that she has no intention of recognizing the Peiping regime; that she opposes seating the Peiping regime in the United Nations and regards it as important that the position of the Republic of China in the United Nations should be maintained; and that she will continue to work with the Republic of China in support of its accelerated growth program.

The importance of such a straightforward pledge of support for free Asian nations in general and for the Republic of China in particular cannot be overemphasized. It is really noteworthy that the United States, in the wake of the increasing Communist aggression in Cuba and Laos, has finally come to declare that whether for war or for peace, unity among free nations, particularly between the United States and free Asian countries, is not only essential to the security of the free world but also necessary for a negotiated peace, if possible, between the United States and Soviet Russia.

The determined efforts on the part of the United States in seeking for the unity and solidarity among democratic nations are indeed encouraging to the free world. However, we believe that the solidarity of the free world would be further strengthened if the United States could make it clear that these efforts are not merely makeshifts for the time being but an integral part of the overall US policy to check the international Communist aggression throughout the world.

The Geneva Conference on Laos

The 14-nation conference on Laos, to which we have been consistently opposed, has now been accepted by the United States and other free nations as the last resort to save the Kingdom of Laos from its complete dominance by the Communists. However, as the meeting was called at a time when the Pathet Lao and the pro-Communist Phouma forces were drunk with military success, one can hardly expect them to be conciliatory and to agree to any satisfactory solution of the Laotian issue at the conference table. It is likely that the parley will be followed by intermittent peace talks and fighting and in the end the Communists will take away the trophy awarded by the conference. Under such circumstances, if the United States cannot stop the Communists' aggression in Laos by strengthening the forces of the Laotian government, much less is the possibility that the Communists could be persuaded to give up their military operations.

So far, the conference has not yet accomplished anything. Whatever may be agreed on at the conference, it will be either the partition of Laos or the formation of a coalition government with the Communists playing the dominant part. In either case, the United State will find it difficult to intervene In Laotian affairs. For, in the event of the formation of a coalition government, the Communists can take it over by holding a pseudo-election, whereas in the event of the partition of Laos, the Communists can engineer a revolution to overthrow the legitimate government of free Laos.

The Laotian issue is a serious test of the determination of the United States as well as to that of SEATO members as to whether they will defend the freedom and democracy of the free countries in Asia. The solidarity of free nations in Asia and their faith in democracy will depend much on the outcome of the present 14-nation conference. The United States is therefore urged to stand firm at the conference and not to hesitate to turn down any Communist and pro-Communist proposal which might, in effect, impair the survival of the Kingdom of Laos. Only by taking a firm stand at the present 14-nation conference can the United States preserve the fruits of Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson's recent visit to the Far East which has succeeded in instilling faith and confidence into the minds of the free Asians.


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