Taiwan Today

More than ten year ago, at Chinhae on Korea's picturesque southern coast, a handful of freedom fighters gathered to estab­lish an organization to fight Communism at the peoples' level. They came from five coun­tries—China, Korea, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam—plus the areas of Hongkong, Macao, and the Ryukyus. Thailand had just one delegate. All together, including the representation of the host country, only about 20 persons were present.

The conference itself was the brainchild of President Chiang Kai-shek and that doughty old anti-Communist warrior of Ko­rea, Dr. Syngman Rhee. The two statesmen had met in Chinhae in 1949 and Taipei in 1953 in the hope of establishing a Pacific alliance—but the timing was premature and too many Far Eastern rivalries and divisions stood in the way. Both agreed, however, that something might be done by free peoples, acting with or without the support of their governments. The Chinhae attempt had the blessing of Presidents Chiang and Rhee and many other Asian leaders, although no one had any real expectation that the organization there given birth would be going strong on a worldwide front a decade later.

From November 23 to 27 of this year, the Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League convened its 10th conference at the newly opened Ambassador Hotel on busy Chung­shan North Road in Taipei. Present were nearly 150 delegates and observers from 47 units. Of those 47, a total of 21 were 18 sovereign countries plus the 3 "areas" of Hongkong, Macao, and the Ryukyus. These are the so-called member-units of APACL. The other 28 were the observer-units; some were countries outside the Asian area; others were anti-Communist organizations from the world over.

With the addition of Liberia and Somalia to the list of member-units, APACL had leaped the boundaries of Asia and penetrated deep into the vast, independence-minded continent of Africa. Discussion of a name change was already under way among dele­gates and delegations. When the 11th Conference convenes at Manila next year, APACL almost certainly will become AAPACL—the Asian and African Peoples' Anti-Communist League.

Growth and success of the peoples' anti-Communist movement was shown in the caliber and position of delegates as well as in the vast expansion of size and representa­tion. Members of parliaments, governors, and ministers were present in large numbers. Spain sent a former foreign minister, Korea a former premier. The chief delegate from the Philippines was Cornelio T. Villareal, speaker of his country's House of Represen­tatives, who became the new chairman of the APACL Council. Malaysia dispatched a large delegation headed by a former ambassador to the United Nations and United States.

Indicative of the great importance attached to the meeting by the Republic of China was the appearance of President Chiang Kai­-shek as the principal speaker at the opening session. He was applauded long and loudly when he declared that "Asians are determined that the Chinese Communists must be destroyed before they come into possession of an atomic weapons system," and then went on to suggest that "the United States should im­pose no restriction of control on the Asian peoples" in their war against Communism.

Too Much Kindness

Ramrod-straight as be stood on the rostrum in front of the massed flags of APACL, China's fighting Generalissimo reviewed the history of APACL, and credited it with "heightening Asian vigilance against Communism and in firming up Asian determination to resist its aggressions." All the recent evils of Asia have resulted, he noted, from the Communist usurpation of power on the Chinese mainland in 1949. Thus "Asia will not have a single day of peace so long as the Chinese Communists continue to exist."

President Chiang warned against trading with the Communists, and suggested that the free world has treated the Peiping regime with excessive kindness: "Food has been shipped to them. Theij: subversive contingents have been received with courtesy." Such assistance, he continued, has "unwittingly contributed" to exploitation of the people and made possible Peiping's nuclear test explosion.

"Mankind therefore is facing a choice be­tween life and death," the Generalissimo said. "The democratic nations must decide quickly whether there should be peace or war, victory or defeat. Life depends on determination to safeguard world peace and the freedom of mankind. Otherwise a nuclear holocaust can be expected to destroy civilization. I believe this decision must be made within one or two years."

China's long-time leader, the man who has stood at the helm of a Great Power longer than any other, repeated his cherished wish that APACL should lead "to an intergovernmental union that will bring our nations together in the common interest of governments and peoples. At the same time, although the starting point of the APACL anti-Communist movement was Asia, this region is not to be considered the terminus. APACL will con­tinue its ceaseless attempt to reach the great goal of world solidarity against Communism.

Cheers and applause shook the new Con­ference Room at the Ambassador as the Presi­dent finished, and then walked completely around the huge chamber to exchange greetings and salutations with the hundreds of delegates and guests. The presence of Chiang Kai-shek and his message spurred APACL to the five days of its most noteworthy achieve­ment.

Tribute to China

The inaugural session also heard Ku Cheng-kang of China, one of the League's founders, the "outgoing chairman of the League Council, and the presiding officer for the 10th Conference. In his keynote speech, he reminded that the beliefs basic to APACL include rejection of any coexistence between freedom and slavery, opposition to neutralism, and assertion that freedom can be safeguarded only by the willingness to fight for it. He was followed by such dignitaries as Nguyen Tien Hy of Vietnam, Speaker Cornelio T. Villareal of the Philippines, and former Pre­mier Choe Doo Sun of Korea. The Korean leader echoed President Chiang's call for a regional security system.

From that afternoon onward and through the next four days, the Conference heard reports and expressions of opinion from scores of delegates and observers. First-hand in­formation was vouchsafed on the freedom fight in every corner of the globe. This was not either small talk or ego gratification. It was an expression of knowledge and concern that emerged in more than 30 working docu­ments, reports, resolutions, and cables.

The summary statement came in the Declaration, unanimously adopted by the plenary meeting at its final session. This supreme product of the assembly paid tribute to China in these words: "The Conference is deeply impressed by the resoluteness of the Chinese Government and people in their anti-Communist struggle and by their splendid achievements in building up Taiwan as a bastion of freedom. The Conference has the highest regard for President Chiang Kai­-shek's inspiring leadership of the people of the Republic of China in their defense of freedom and democracy and in their crusade to recover their national territory."

Taking note of the Chinese Communist nuclear test, the Declaration expressed belief this "does not imply their immediate capability to develop operational nuclear weapons and a delivery system. The Chinese Communists are trying to blackmail the free world and intimidate the democratic nations into conven­ing a summit conference at which the Peiping regime would be represented. Instead of bowing to blackmail, free peoples should denounce the Peiping regime's atomic ex­plosion, which is not only repugnant to the spirit of the international test ban treaty, but also detrimental to the health of every man, woman, and child in the world, and especially to the people of the Chinese mainland and neighboring countries."

Policy of Liberation

The Declaration probes deeply into the Communists' aggression in Vietnam and Laos, backs the struggle of those two countries and peoples, and then proceeds to these other specific recommendations:

—Helping Malaysia and India to preserve their freedom and independence against Indonesian and Chinese Communist aggres­sion.

—Opposing any neutralization of Southeast Asia.

—Requesting the United States to aban­don policies of containment and nuclear deterrence, and to "carry the war into Communist-dominated areas in order to destroy bases of operations that the Communists are using for aggression against their neighbors. In this connection, we hope and trust the United States will not restrict the anti-Communist actions of the free Asian nations in any way. It is our fundamental view that the mainte­nance of Asian peace and security depend primarily on consolidation of the anti-Communist struggle of the Asian peoples and countries themselves."

—Establishing an East Asian treaty or­ganization in the pattern of NATO.

—Creation of an Asian Volunteer Army so as to use "the combined strength of the Asian peoples to defend their own region."

—Calling for support of the Republic of China at the United Nations, and "unal­terably" opposing the admission of the Peiping region to the international organization.

—Tightening of the economic embargo against the Chinese Communists, and stronger resistance to Peiping's ideological and propaganda offensives.

Concluding, the Declaration says: "Led by the United States, the free nations should adopt and implement a policy of liberation and more moral and material assistance to the Republics of China, Korea, and Viet­nam so they can tear down the Iron Curtain in Asia. Thus we can destroy the aggressive and tyrannical regime that has been threatening the freedom and security of Asia and making a mockery of world peace. Only if this is done now, before the Chinese Commu­nists have developed atomic weapons, can a worldwide nuclear holocaust be averted.

"The Asian peoples' anti-Communist struggle seeks the preservation of their own freedom and the safeguarding of human justice. We are wholly confident that freedom will triumph over slavery and justice over tyranny. We call upon all the peoples of the world who espouse the cause of freedom and justice to unite together, irrespective of race, nationality, religion or occupation, and to fight shoulder to shoulder against the Com­munists, who are the common enemies of all humankind."

Cable to Johnson

A cable to President Johnson emphasized some of these points. It said:

"Delegates and observers from 47 countries, localities, and organizations attending the 10th annual conference of the Asian Peo­ples' Anti-Communist League in Taipei convey our greetings and respect to you as chief executive of the country that is leading the free world in defense of freedom and justice. The United States already is paying a heavy price, including nearly 300 American lives, to prevent Southeast Asia from falling into Communist hands. Asians acknowledge and express their deep gratitude for the hero­ism of those from so far away.

"Asian peoples assembled here are agreed in their determination to playa larger role in deciding our own destiny. For that reason, we urgently request that the United States no longer place any barrier in the way of a stronger regional response to Chinese Communism and its threat of nuclear holo­caust. Asian peoples want to fight their own battles without the necessity of calling upon American manpower while they still can do so. Asians would hope, of course, for in­creased American moral and material assist­ance.

"We hope, too, that the United States will assert more positive leadership in Asia and discard the policies of containment and deterrence which have failed to check Com­munist expansion in Asia in the last decade. We urge you to refuse to follow the ground rules laid down by the Communists and bring the war to their own doorsteps. We also urge you to seek immediate ways to transform bilateral agreements with individual Asian countries into regional security organization patterned after NATO—with Asians shoulder­ing the main responsibilities.

Specific Resolutions

"If stronger United States leadership is combined with freedom of defensive action for the free governments and peoples of Asia, there will be no need to fear Chinese Commu­nists aggression, whether nuclear or conven­tional. Communism in Asia can only be defeated with the strength and determination of Asian peoples backed by American production. And only when Asia is free can the rest of the world enjoy peace and security."

Twenty-seven separate resolutions backed up many of the points made generally in addresses, resolutions, the Declaration, and the message to President Johnson. Resolu­tions are enumerated in The Month in Free China section of this issue. These are the details of a few of the more important:

Supporting Laos and Vietnam. Democratic nations are urged to step up all forms of assistance to both countries. The United States is asked to abandon "passive and defensive measures in favor of firm and offensive action to carry the war into Communist­ dominated areas." APACL pledges itself to organize a committee to extend assistance to the peoples of the two embattled states. An interesting supporting resolution calls upon the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization to send a Peace Operations Mission to Viet­nam to "seek peaceful economic and social goals." Clearly, the intent is to bring SEATO, which has met often, talked much, and done nothing in the Southeast Asian crisis, into a position of concrete action, even if this does not include military assistance.

Warning the free world against Chinese Communist offensives in trade, economic and tourism. Democratic nations are urged not to supply Peiping with industrial equipment and materials, "and not to trade with the Chinese Communists on a basis of deferred payments and thus help increase Peiping's aggressive strength." Asian and African countries are told "that acceptance of even one dollar or shilling of Chinese Communist aid is the same as selling out their birthright as free men, and that permitting the entry of Chinese Communist goods is a similar mistake." The resolution takes note of the new "efforts of the Chinese Communists to get peoples from the free nations to the Chinese mainland, and especially the peoples of Asia and Africa and including large numbers of journalists, in order to give them false facts, indoctrination that amounts to brainwashing, and carefully organized tours that provide a false impression of conditions and carefully conceal the true facts."

Warning to U.N.

Demanding that countermeasures be taken in the wake of the Chinese Communist atomic test. Condemnation is urged, plus rejection of Peiping's blackmail and U.S. sup­port of "mutual security organization in Asia and the Pacific region." The Republic of China is asked to launch counterattack against the Chinese mainland at the earliest possible moment "so as to destroy the Chinese Com­munist regime and eliminate the threats of nuclear weapons and the peril to free peoples."

Opposing United Nations seating of the Chinese Communist regime. Appended to the resolution is this dramatic warning to the General Assembly:

"The admission of Red China to the U.N. would be a disaster for the world organi­zation.

"The dream of a United Nations rose like a phoenix from the ashes of World War II. The defeated and the victorious­—those who were left alive on every continent of the earth—saw in the United Nations another chance, perhaps the last chance. From bombed-out cities, from devastated farmlands, from the broken walls of concentration camps, from homes which still mourned the loss of fathers and husbands and brothers—the people of the world looked to San Francisco in 1945 with new hope.

"And especially the people of our nations—some of which were still colonies of the old imperialist power—had hope.

"An in the years that followed, these dreams and hopes were tempered by history. The old aggressors were vanquished, only to be replaced by the new colonialist aggressive juggernaut of Communism. We watched one people after another—who so yearned for freedom—be devoured by the insatiable ap­petite of International Communism. We despaired at the vacillation and confusion of the free nations of the world who permitted this to happen.

"But yet, there was still hope. An international organization continued to exist with its base firmly rooted in a Charter dedicated to the maintenance of the peace. That Charter still exists. And you—the representatives of 115 nations—are entrusted with the maintenance of this Charter.

"Of all the nations of the world, there is one which stands out as the continuing un­repentant aggressor bent on war and conquest—the so-called People's Republic of China. From its headquarters in Peiping, Red China has sent agents into every section of the world with a single directive—to prepare the groundwork for Communism. These agents have fomented civil strife, sabotage, and terror. We know, in each of our coun­tries, how the arm of Peiping reaches out. And you—the honorable delegates to the United Nations—know, too.

"To admit that unrepentant aggressor to your councils and to permit it to enjoy the privileges of membership would betray the spirit and the letter of the Charter. To compound this betrayal by expelling the Re­public of China—an honorable member in good standing—would be finally to end the usefulness of the United Nations.

"Because we earnestly believe in the great potential of the United Nations, we appeal to you to consider the tremendous dangers inherent in the inclusion of Red China. You have an awesome responsibility. In your hands rests the future of the great dream that was inaugurated in San Francisco 20 years ago.

"Do not let the dream die. Preserve the Charter by refusing to seat the Red Chi­nese aggressors in the United Nations."

Address by Nixon

Another dramatic Conference moment came with the informal appearance of Richard Nixon, two-term Vice President of the United States under President Dwight D. Eisenhower and narrow loser to John F. Kennedy in one of the closest elections in American history. Nixon spoke warmly and obviously from the heart, and made these ardently applauded points:

1. That Communism is failing in Asia and that freedom is winning the battle, but a greater effort must be made to defeat the "raw power" that the enemy has now turned loose.

2. That "decisions with regard to South Vietnam must be made—I believe must be made within the matter of the next few months, or South Vietnam will be lost. There is no possible alternative in South Vietnam except winning."

3. That neutralization is no solution in Vietnam or elsewhere, because "when you have neutralism where Communists are concerned, it simply means that the free peoples get out, the forces of freedom get out, the Communists stay in, and the Communists take over. Neutralization where the Communists are concerned is simply surrender on the in­stallment plan."

4. That should South Vietnam be lost, the green light would be flashed for "indirect Communist aggression all over the Asian area, through Africa, through Latin America and other nations."

5. That victory in South Vietnam will not mean an end of the anti-Communist strug­gle, because Communism has a tremendous power center on the mainland of China. "And that is why it is so vitally important that a group like this, a group of Asians with your observers from other nations in the world, continues to lead the fight in your countries, the fight in which Asians will develop the ideological strength, the economic strength, and the military strength to resist Communist aggression, direct or indirect, in this part of the world.

6. That "The future of Asia belongs to the people of Asia. Those of us from the United States, from Europe, from non-Asian countries, have a great stake in the future of Asia. We have great interest in it. But we can only be of assistance, if the peoples of Asia want it that way. The leadership more and more must come from Asia. The deci­sion must be made in Asia."

Trips and Talk

As the Conference marched toward its triumphant close on the afternoon of Friday November 27, a crowded chamber heard Premier C. K. Yen praise its accomplishments and wish its participants Godspeed. Then delegates and observers followed one another, in a procession that was terminated only by pressures of time, to express conviction that real progress had been made, and to say "well done" to the China chapter and Chair­man Ku Cheng-kang. The message from Speaker Villareal, who had to leave early for a high-level meeting in his own country, expressed hope that the Philippines can do half as well in 1965.

Ku Cheng-kang banged down the last gavel. But even then, for many, the Con­ference was not over. Most of those attend­ing took advantage of the China chapter's invitation to "see Taiwan." They went south on a three-day tour of the "island beautiful," enjoying the crisp autumn of a subtropical climate that can be much colder than many visitors expect. Some went, too, to the off­shore fortress of Kinmen, where the Communists can be seen through field glasses, only a little more than a mile away at the nearest point, and where shells still shriek across the land on odd days—sometimes to kill and maim in a senseless display of Communist force that long ago failed to shatter the island's defenses and bring its defenders to their knees. However, the trips to the south and to the island that the West knows as Quemoy were no mere junkets. They provided ad­ditional opportunity for anti-Communist free­dom fighters to come to know and understand one another, and to make concrete, realistic preparations for the next phase of the war to set free the enslaved one-third of the world.

In a single decade, the Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League had attained great strength, great maturity, and the promise of a more exalted achievement yet to come.