Taiwan Today

Alaconic sun rose over the snow-capped mountains of Tibet and proclaimed a new day for the 1,200,000 Tibetans in the early morning of March 10, 1959.

March 10 was really the new day. On that day, the Tibetans proclaimed a revolution and began the Battle of Lhasa. With a shiver and a shudder, Chinese Communist commander and butcher Chang Kuo-hua recalled one month later:

"March 10 is a day the Tibetans cannot afford to forget. March 10 will always be remembered in Tibet's history because on that day revolution and counter-revolution started their war in the open."

Since that day, Chang's troops had killed more than 10,000 Tibetans, shut over 8,000 others in concentration camps, launching on a grand scale the Peiping-ordered genocide in Tibet.

Steel in the Sun

But the sun did not foresee these on that early morning of March 10. Its weak rays shone on the golden domes of the Norbu Linka and the Scritzel Linka alike. Shiny steel glittered under the sun. They were the guns and bayonets carried by Tibetans as well as Chinese Communist troops.

In the Sritzel Linka, headquarters of the Peiping-ordained "Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet," Communist commissar Tan Kuan-san sat still with furrowed eyebrows. His superiors, high commissioner Chang Ching-wu and military commander Chang Kuo-hua, were in Peiping reporting to Mao Tse-tung on the "socialist progresses achieved" in Tibet. He did not know how to deal with an explosive situation now developing.

The Dalai Lama was to come to the Communist Military Area Command compound that night to "watch a theatrical performance." But the previous day, thousands of Tibetans suddenly appeared in the streets. They had heard and believed in reports that the Communists were to abduct their temporal and spiritual leader to Peiping because he had refused to bow all the way to the Communist dictators.

These demonstrating Tibetans, many of them carrying arms, marched along the sloshy Lhasa River westward to the Norbu Linka, the site of the Tibetan local government loyal to the Dalai Lama. They asked the Kasha (the local government) not let Dalai take the chance.

Ranks of the demonstrations swelled. Shopkeepers, housewives, herdsmen coming from the countryside selling hides, members of aristocratic families and even lamas from the holy temples of Sera and Djepung joined the surging human waves.

March of Protest

From Lhasa's city proper, the long lines marched westward toward the Potala Palace where the 23-year-old Dalai, 14th reincarnation of the 15th century disciple of Tsong-kapa, lived. Perched on the West Hill and a splendor of many stories and terraces, the Potala looked the more dignified and holier to the devout Tibetans.

Cheers went up when word was spread around that Dalai had promised to cancel the visit. The overjoyed crowds did not disband, however.

"Let's protect our Dalai Lama," someone shouted. A thunderous echo of "Yes" reverberated in the mountains. The demonstrators soon organized themselves and started to guard the approaches to the Norbu Linka into which the Dalai Lama had moved with his royal guard.

That was the situation during the past 24 hours. Tan Kuan-san, on this morning of March 10, did not know what to do. Would the Tibetans rise up with arms as their Khamba cousins had done in the last three years? Or was it because they had been panicked into the demonstration by the "rumors"?

On the table in front of Tan was the copy of a letter he dashed off to Dalai the day before. Tan made the concession a Communist was not supposed to make.

"Respected Dalai Lama," Tan Kuan-san began. "It is very good indeed that you wanted to come to the Military Area Command. You are heartily welcome. Since you have been put into very great difficulties due to the intrigues and provocations of the reactionaries, it may be advisable that you do not come for the time being."

Tan knew he had made the correct move. The Dalai Lama would never come for the "theatrical performance," whatever the Communist reaction. He was right. For in the course of a few hours, Dalai's reply came, saying he could not attend that night's performance. Airily, Dalai added, he "was taking measures to calm things down."

People's Conference

Things were by no means calming down in the Norbu Linka. Around a conference table sat Kaloons (ministers) Sur kong Wong-ching-Galei, Neusha Thubten-Tarpa, Hsinka Jigmedorje and many other trusted supporters of Dalai.

"The moment has arrived. We must act," one of the conferees, said. All others agreed. No sooner spoken than done, a "people's conference" was created. The Tibetans declared that the 17-article agreement with Peiping signed on May 23,1951, was now null and void and the Communist-imposed "Preparatory Committee" was something of the past.

Messengers left the Norbu Linka on horseback to all corners of Tibet, proclaiming March 10 as the Revolution Day. "Drive out all the Communists, Long live the Dalai Lama," the proclamation said.

In another room in the Norbu Linka, 300 resistance leaders from Sikang were meeting. They had surreptitiously found their way into Lhasa under the nose of Communist manhunters. They reverently informed the Dalai Lama all Khambas, Tibetans in Sikang, were solidly behind the revolution. "We shall join in the liberation of Lhasa," these sturdy nomads said.

About 20,000 Tibetans, the Khambas conspicuously among them, were assembled outside the yellow walls of the Norbu Linka ready for action. They took up strategic positions, "lest the Communists attack." Inside the yellow wall, the first regiment of the Tibetan army was taking care of Dalai's safety. Dalai was staying at the Tardan-Puchang Palace inside the Norbu Linka.

When the proclamation of revolution was read to the Tibetans outside the walls, deafening cheers came from tens of thousands of mouths. Rifles slung on shoulders were taken down. The Tibetans also moved in heavy machineguns and field pieces to fortify the Norbu Linka.

Collaborators Killed

Kanchung Soanamchiatso, a pro-Communist Tibetan, came to the Norbu Linka on a mission. Crying "Traitor, traitor," his fellow countrymen spat on him. He was killed within seconds. His corpse was taken on a parade in the streets, receiving more spittle from enraged townsfolks.

Another collaborator named Sampo Tse-wong-Rentzen, vice commander of the Communist Tibetan Military Area, barely escaped death. Chased by large crowds, he ran like a deer. He was injured.

Others who were known to have joined the Communist party or worked with the Communists suffered the same fate.

But another collaborator, the living buddha Geltsolin, did get into the Norbu Linka and delivered Tan Kuan-san's second letter to Dalai. Tan became impatient. In plain terms, he told Dalai that Tibetan fortifications must be removed and revolters withdrawn. He demanded Dalai to make known his stand.

Geltsolin later described how he saw a "reluctant" Dalai Lama surrounded by belligerent revolters.

He said, according to the Communist New China News Agency, that when he rode from his home to the Norbu Linka with Tan's letter, all along the way from the Potala to the Norbu Linka were armed revolters, surrounding the Norbu Linka in many layers. The doors of the Norbu Linka were closed tight and the first Tibetan regiment was guarding it. He waited for one and one half hours outside of the gate before he was admitted.

Geltsolin said he handed Tan's letter to the Dalai Lama in the palace. "I met the Dalai Lama in a room on the left side of the palace. The Lama was very worried. He sat on a chair, head in hands. I reported to him how I fared in the Military Area and how I brought back the letter. He read it and then told me with a worried look, 'They said they were for my safety but they were actually hurting me.' The Dalai Lama asked me if I knew that Kanchung Soanamchiatso had been killed and if I knew why. He asked me if I had the courage to go back to the Military Area and report on his situation and the conditions in and out of the Norbu Linka to the Military Area."

Geltsolin said that after the audience, he was not permitted to leave the Norbu Linka.

Lamas Join Resistance

At the time when Geltsolin was meeting the Dalai Lama, Tibetan freedom fighters were active everywhere. Cadres, school teachers and functionaries in the preparatory committee flocked to revolt cells and signed up for the revolution. Thousands of women demonstrated on the street against the Chinese Communists. All men between 16 and 60, secular or ecclesiastic, were handed guns. Lamas left their temples, rifles replacing scriptures.

Sabotage squads fanned out into the countryside. They damaged highways, blew up bridges and dams, destroyed telephone poles and burned down Communist offices. Across the Lhasa River, the main bridge cracked and tumbled after a gigantic explosion.

The people's conference posted announcements. A homeland defense volunteer corps was being organized. The conference also ordered resistance units everywhere to converge on Lhasa for the final assault on Communist headquarters.

The built-in Tibetan wrath was finding an outlet.

Schoolboy Lorzong-Churlchit forgot to put away his Communist pioneer tie. He was beaten up.

The sun set behind the West Hills. Subzero temperature overtook the roof of the world. Action became frenzied. Platoon by platoon, Tibetans moved over the rough terrain toward the Communist Military Area Command compound. Throughout the night, the Red headquarters was surrounded and fighting took place at regular intervals.

Tan Kuan-san, now knowing the intentions of the Tibetans, still dared not hit back. He and his troops held the vast compound, and all around it were Tibetans armed with every thing from rifles to knives.

The Battle of Lhasa

Blow By Blow Account

March 9, Monday

Rumors spread in Lhasa the Communists were to detain Dalai Lama the next day. Thousands besought Dalai not to attend Communist theatrical performance. Armed revolters poured in from rugged countryside. Suburban Red sentry posts were attacked. Ammunition depot was blown up.

March 10, Tuesday

Resistance leaders proclaimed Revolution Day and formed people’s conference. Agreement with Peiping was renounced. Tibetans were called on to fight the Reds. Three hundred Khamba leaders gathered in Lhasa and saw sympathetic Dalai. Tibetan army, lamas, armed civilians surrounded Communist Tibet Military Area Command compound. One traitor was killed and another wounded. Fighting broke out in Lhasa.

March 11, Wednesday

Tibetan continued attacks on Reds, occupying highway north of Norbu Linka. Revolters dug in. Lhasa was cut off from north. Reds served ultimatum on resistance leaders.

March 12, Thursday

Tibetan army 3,000 strong, joined revolution. Attacks on Reds took place throughout Tibet and Sikang. Red reinforcements from Chinghai were intercepted north of Lhasa.

March 14, Saturday

Dalai presided at meeting in Norbu Linka. Conferees decided Dalai should leave Lhasa. General attack was ordered. Tibetan army chief was made commander of all revolutionary forces.

March 15, Saturday

Reds threatened to take military action. Dalai pleaded for more time.

March 17, Sunday

Dalai left Lhasa for Loka, thence to India. Resistance leaders evacuated from Norbu Linka, announcing determination to rid Reds.

March 19, Thursday

Tibetans staged general attack on heavily fortified Red command. Tibetan who earlier took Gyantze in south came to Lhasa. Full scale war developed.

March 20, Friday

At 10:00 a.m., Communists ordered all-out offensive. Potala Palace was shelled. Door to door fighting took place. Stray bullets hit Indian consulate-general in Lhasa. Reds got reinforcements from Chinghai and Sikang. More than 220 trucks were counted in one hour.

March 21, Saturday

Street fighting continued in Lhasa. Monks of Sera and Djepung Lamaseries shed cassocks to take up arms. Temples were heavily shelled. Red planes came on bombing runs. Red reinforcements continued to come in.

March 22, Sunday

Revolters turned down Red request for surrender. Street fighting continued but fury abated Tibetans suffered serious losses. So did the Communists.

March 23, Monday

Tibetans evacuated Lhasa. Some 15,000 corpses were counted, 5,000 Communists. Resistance continued elsewhere. Norbu Linka was razed. Smoke continued in damaged Sera and Djepung. Reds imposed military rule and curfew. Massacre and mass arrests took place.

March 26, Thursday

President Chiang Kai-shek broadcast from Taipei his message to Tibetans. Vice President Chen Cheng, answering questions submitted by the press, confirmed that the Republic of China had learned of the Tibetan uprising since March 13 through underground sources and direct contacts.

March 28, Saturday

Peiping was forced to announce abolition of Tibetan local government, name ring-leaders and declared military rule. Announcement and revolts took place in Sikang and north, east, west, and south of Lhasa. Bloody suppression was promised. Panchen replaced Dalai as Peiping’s No. 1 puppet in Tibet.

March 31, Tuesday

Dalai Lama reached Indian border and crossed into freedom with entourage. India granted him asylum over Peiping protests.

Revolters Dig In

March 11 dawned without any change in the picture. The revolters tightened their siege of the Communist command. They kept on shooting at the Communist troops. A contingent of the Tibetan force occupied the highway to the north of the Norbu Linka. The Tibetans started building up defense works there to forestall Communist reinforcements. Machinegun nests sprung up on the highway built with the sweat and blood of the Tibetan slave laborers.

A secret radio station near Lhasa beeped information of the revolution to Taipei.

In New Delhi, the Indian government was surprised to learn of the declaration of revolution and independence. But the Indians kept the information under wraps.

Tan Kuan-san was desperate. He sent cables after cables to Peiping, asking for instructions. He sent a letter to Dalai, asking for help. He sent a letter to the three Kaloons who had signed on the revolutionary declarations, serving an ultimatum. The revolters must either surrender or be punished, Tan said between gritted teeth.

His words fell on deaf ears.

The revolutionaries withheld a general attack. They were waiting for reinforcements from other places. The Khambas in Sikang acted and attacked Chamdo and Dingching. The revolters south of Lhasa marched into Gyantze and stabbed toward Lhasa. To the north, the revolters were taking Nagchuka to pour down, also into Lhasa.

The revolution was building itself into a climax.

Brief Stalemate

On March 12, the Lhasa situation was still stalemated. The 3,000-man Tibetan army jeered as "rotten to the core" by the Communists, joined the revolution to a man. The 3,000 officers and men shouted "Don't forget Chamdo." In Chamdo in October, 1950, seven Tibetan regiments were annihilated by Chang Kuo-hua's hordes.

Chang Kuo-hua was himself flying back into Lhasa.

The center of gravity shifted for a moment to the other major cities. The revolters were consolidating their hold on both banks of the Brahmaputra River (Tsangpo River) and they were cutting Lhasa's two highways into pieces.

The time was drawing near for the showdown. Dalai called a meeting to discuss what was to be done in the next few days. The meeting, attended by the three Kaloons and other resistance leaders, decided on an all-out attack on the Chinese Communists on March 19.

The Dalai Lama too was to leave Lhasa for a safe spot. He was to return if the attack should be successful, or go to India if things turned worse. He would be evacuating with his government.

Geltsolin, in his account, tried to show that the Dalai Lama was really under duress and he was dying. On March 12, he said, "I saw the Dalai Lama sit on a high throne, one hand on his forehead, still very much worried. His face was black. Some 20 people stood around him, including Pala Thubtenwenten, Rongnamse Thubtan-Norzong and Thubten-Tanda. They all saw Dalai so worried and so weak. Some thought he would die. At that time, some one suggested that negotiations be taken up with the rebels to keep the Dalai Lama alive under whatever circumstances."

But it was this "dying and worried" Dalai Lama who made the chief of his Tibetan army the commander of all revolutionary forces in Tibet on March 14.

Tan Kuan-san was seeing the moving finger on the wall too. In a sharp tone, he wrote another letter to Dalai, on March 15. "The Central People's Government will have to act itself to safeguard the solidarity and unification of the motherland," he threatened.

Tan darkly hinted at Dalai's delaying tactics. With a note of finality, he said, "The traitorous activities of the reactionary clique of the upper strata in Tibet have grown into intolerable proportions. These individuals, in collusion with foreigners, have engaged in reactionary, traitorous activities for quite some time. The Central People's Government still hopes that the Local Government of Tibet will change its erroneous attitude and immediately assume responsibility for putting down the rebellion and mete out severe punishment to the traitors."

The word "rebellion" was used for the first time.

Demands Surrender

The letter asked the Dalai Lama to surrender himself to the Communists. Tan suggested to the Dalai Lama that he would not be punished. Tactfully, he inserted the following sentence into the letter: "I have much pleasure informing you that the second National People's Congress (of which Dalai is a member) has decided to open its first session on April 17."

Dalai continued his shadow boxing. The next day, he replied to Tan, minimizing the situation's seriousness and agreeing to surrender-later on. Packing his trunks, the Dalai Lama wrote, "Dear Comrade: the day before yesterday, I made a speech to more than 70 representatives of the government officials, instructing them from various angles, calling on them to consider seriously present and long-term interests and to calm down or my life would be in danger. After these severe reproaches, conditions took a slight turn for the better. Though the conditions in here and outside are still very difficult to deal with at present, I am trying skillfully to make a demarcation line between the progressive people and those opposing the revolution (meaning the Communist cause) within the government officials."

Dalai asked for a few more days. He said he would find his way to the Communist Military Area Command compound secretly.

The next day, March 17, off went Dalai. With an entourage of almost a hundred, he started toward the south.

The route chosen by Dalai was kept under the thickest secrecy wraps. Only the few who accompanied him knew that they were going to scale the high Himalayas, with the disputed border town of Towang in Assam as their destination. The Communists were given the false scent. They only knew Dalai went to Loka.

Tan did not know that Dalai had left. Reading the letter from the boy ruler, Tan got angry. He ordered his men to lob a few mortar shells into the Potala to scare the Dalai Lama. He tried to send another letter. No receivers.

The Brave Assault

On March 19, the Tibetans, with the Dalai Lama at a safe distance, launched the all-out attack on the Communist high command. It was war, full scale war.

The Tibetans had only courage to protect themselves. They were not well trained. They had little experience in combat. They nevertheless pitted themselves against units of the Communist 18th Army which had never lost a battle in its long history.

Still the Communists suffered huge losses. Their radio communications were cut. The Tibetans were fighting the battle of their life.

Chang Kuo-hua rushed back by air into Lhasa, armed with Mao Tse-tung's order to strike back. He issued the order. And on March 20 morning, the Communists opened up with all their guns. They bombarded the Potala Palace, the Sera and Djepung Lamaseries as well as the Norbu Linka. They charged into Tibetan dugouts and they fought in Lhasa streets. The Communists had then realized that they could not expect to live once they were defeated.

Sanguinary street fighting continued for two days in Lhasa. The Communists got reinforcements from Chinghai and Sikang. But they could not win the battle with ease.

The Tibetans, their morale boosted by the lamas who walked down from their temples to join the fighters' row, kept on fighting door by door and house to house. The world watched breathlessly the heroic struggle of the Tibetans against tremendous odds.

Two days of war ended in temporary Communist victory. They cleared up Lhasa. More than 15,000 corpses were counted, one third of them being Communist. A high price was paid by Peiping for a transient triumph.

The World Reacts

News of the fighting in Lhasa was first flashed to the world from Kalimpong, the India border town by the Himalayas. On March 18, Taipei confirmed that it had news of the revolt since five days ago. Thus, the outside world learned of the uprising in Tibet.

The world also learned that fighting was still going on. Days went by as the screaming headlines told of the heroic resistance of the Tibetan people. Statesmen stopped in their work and looked toward the roof of the world. Newspapers the world over condemned the Communist tyranny.

In a California university, 30 students threw away their pens and volunteered for Tibet. Even in India, the press was unanimous in support of the Tibetans. Indian Communists were booed in parliament.

Buddhists of Asia, meeting in Tokyo, were angry. Pacifist by creed, the Buddhists joined other people in condemning Communist barbarism.

In Taipei, President Chiang Kai-shek paid high tributes to the heroism of his Tibetan compatriots. In an epochal statement, he said the Tibetans would have the choice of the future political status of Tibet after the overthrow of the Communist regime. He promised effective and continuous aid to the Tibetans.

Reports, never confirmed but ever consistent, said the Tibetans were getting airdropped aid.

Peiping tardily confirmed the revolution on March 28. On that day, the Communists said in a stilted style hardly able to conceal its uneasiness and frustration, "Violating the will of the Tibetan people and betraying the motherland, the Tibetan Local Government and the upper strata reactionary clique colluded with imperialism, assembled rebellious bandits and launched armed attacks against the People's Liberation Army garrison in Lhasa during the night of March 19."

Chou En-lai lost his suave composure. He dissolved the Tibetan local government, named names, said the Dalai Lama was under duress, appointed highly unpopular Panchen Erdeni as Dalai's stand-in in the Preparatory Committee, and declared martial law throughout Tibet. Only Shigatze, capital of Panchen, was spared to give Panchen some face.

Chang Kuo-hua promised severe punishment for the Tibetans. To prove he does not mince words, he shut more than 8,000 Tibetans, mainly lamas, into concentration camps. More than 1,000 died of hunger and starvation.

Uprising Not Over

But the revolution is by no means over yet. Panchen Erdeni lamely admitted on April 10:

"We all know very well that although the armed rebellion in the city of Lhasa has been completely crushed, yet a certain number of armed rebels in Tibet are still engaging in the criminal activities of arson, murder, pillage, rape, persecution of patriotic and progressive personages, oppression of the people, and rebellion against the motherland...

"To give all-out support and assistance to the People's Liberation Army in putting down the rebellion is an important current task of the Preparatory Committee and all the people in Tibet. We must do our utmost in fulfilling this task."

Panchen defined the support and assistance. All Tibetans must "feed information" to the Communists, "take part in transportation and supply work and organize comfort activities, to insure that the PLA will successfully crush the rebellion."

The lama condemned other lamas. "A small number of degenerate elements in the religious circles have, under the guise of religion, taken part in the rebellion. During the armed rebellion in Lhasa especially, many counter-revolutionaries from religious circles joined the rebels in attacking the PLA," he feigned anger.

Panchen gave Dalai his sympathy and concern. This over, he ordered all officials under Dalai to surrender to his Preparatory Committee.

And the object of his sympathy and concern, the Dalai Lama, finally reached freedom on March 31 when he crossed into Indian territory after a long journey in the mountains threatened by Communist reconnaissance planes, ready to pounce on any sight of human movement.

The Lhasa Battle is only the beginning of the revolution in Tibet. The Tibetans had lost a battle. They still have the war to win.

President Chiang's Message to Tibetans

March 26, 1959

Fellow Countrymen in Tibet:

You are now shedding your blood in fighting against the Communist tyranny. This noble deed begins the first page of the most solemn and glorious history of the anti-Communist revolution of our compatriots on the Chinese mainland. Although I am now in Taiwan, my heart has been always with you in your war against Communism. With regard to the recent battle of Lhasa, I have been especially concerned with the heroic sacrifices made by our Tibetan brethren and their priests whose fate is constantly in my mind. The Government of the Republic of China is making every possible effort to give you continuous and effective aid. It is also calling upon our compatriots at home and abroad to extend to you their positive support.

You are not standing alone. You have displayed an undaunted spirit in your campaign against the Red terror. You are not only struggling for the survival of the Tibetan people and the preservation of liberty of the individual Tibetans but also serving as the gallant vanguard in the defense of freedom and security for peoples of all religions in a free Asia. All countries and peoples of the world who love peace and uphold justice are standing on your side, giving you support and praying for your victory.

The Government of the Republic of China has always respected the traditional political and social structures of Tibet, and upheld the religious faith of its people as well as their freedom to have their own way of life. Today I wish to affirm emphatically that in connection with the future political status and institutions of Tibet, as soon as the puppet Communist regime on the mainland is overthrown and the people of Tibet are once again free to express their will, the Government will assist the Tibetan people to realize their own aspirations in accordance with the principle of self-determination.

Fellow Countrymen in Tibet! The puppet Chinese Communist regime is seeking to suppress your anti-Communist revolution with every ruthless, wanton, terroristic and murderous measure. But I am convinced that even though the enemy's brutal force may temporarily destroy your lamaseries and pillage your cities, they can never destroy your revolutionary will and religious belief. If you remain firm and courageous, and if you continue to carry on the fight, soon I shall lead your compatriots, civilian and military alike, to join force with you on the mainland and to fight shoulder to shoulder for the successful fulfillment of our sacred mission of national salvation.

Vice President Chen Cheng on Tibet

On the same day when President Chiang broadcast his message to Tibetan freedom fighters, Vice President Chen Cheng, concurrently president of the Executive Yuan, answered three questions submitted by reporters on the situation of the anti-Communist uprising in Tibet. The following are the questions and answers:

Q.: What is the present situation of the fighting in Lhasa and what would be its effect to the whole of Tibet and the Chinese mainland?

A.: According to reliable reports we received on March 13, the Lhasa armed revolt against the Chinese Communists actually began on March 9. From March 15 on, Communist communication facilities and ammunition dumps in Lhasa were besieged and destroyed by armed units of anti-Communist Tibetans, and an anti-Communist up­ rising of a scale never seen before broke out. After March 22, the fighting shifted to the suburbs of Lhasa. As of the present, the Chinese Communists may have temporarily regained control in Lhasa. However, the anti-Communist forces still control the areas surrounding the city and have cut off the highway linking Lhasa with the outside world. The Chinese Communist forces in Lhasa are supplied now only by limited airdrop operations.

The battle of Lhasa has now spread to entire Tibet. Many tribesmen and lamas have joined the fighting by gathering up behind the anti-Communist force led by Khamba warriors. Other anti-Communist forces which were heretofore active in the border areas between Tibet and Szechuan, Chinghai and Sikang are now moving to areas south of Lhasa, to establish bases in preparation for sustained warfare. We are convinced that the current armed revolt which grew from the fighting in Lhasa will certainly lead to the joining together of all anti-Communist forces in the northwest and southwest regions of the Chinese mainland, and that the fire will further spread toward the interior. I wish therefore to stress that in watching the vicissitude of the Tibetan uprising, we must not consider only the control of the city of Lhasa, but should pay close attention to the development of anti-Communist forces in Tibet as well as in the northwest and southwest regions of the Chinese mainland. I firmly believe that the Chinese Communists will never be able to crush the anti-Communist forces in Tibet, and that eventually they will be defeated not only in Tibet but also in other parts of the Chinese mainland.

Q.: Is the Government keeping contact with and giving support to the anti-Communist uprising in Tibet? Could you give us detailed information on this? What will the Government do to give it active support?

A.: Since 1957, the Government has maintained close contact with the Tibetan anti-Communist organizations, with Tibetan leaders not only in Tibet but also in such provinces as Kansu, Chinghai, Szechuan and Sikang. Under our direction, repeated anti-Communist uprisings were jointly launched by the Han, Hui (Muslim) and Tibetan population in the border areas between Tibet and Szechuan, Chinghai and Sikang. The revolt in the border area between Szechuan, Kansu, Chinghai, and Sikang in early March, 1958, and that in Khardan Chinquar in July of the same year are two major examples.

During the past years, the Government has been giving continuous assistance and support to the anti-Communist movement of the Tibetan people. However, because of the distance between us, the volume of our assistance in the past was perforce not adequate to meet their actual needs. The Government will henceforth do its utmost and surmount all difficulties to provide them support on a large scale.

Not only our Government should give the Tibetan people aid on a large scale, but all democratic countries should also extend to them both moral and material support, because the duration, scope and sacrifice of the Tibetan people's anti-Communist struggle are much more extensive than those of the Hungarian uprising. We pay homage to the unflinching spirit of our Tibetan brethren in their determined fight against the Communists. The safety and freedom of the Dalai Lama is a matter of great concern to us.

Moreover, it is hoped that other democratic countries will cooperate with us in a joint effort to support the anti-Communist revolt of the Tibetan people, for if it should be allowed to fail, the Chinese Communists would have complete control over the roof of the world and pose a serious threat to the security of Southeast Asia and even of the whole world.

The most urgent needs of the Tibetans at the moment are weapons and ammunitions, communications equipment, medical supplies and military personnel. The Government will do its best to aid our brethren in Tibet.

Q.: What will be the guiding principle of the Government's policy in regard to the political status of Tibet if the current anti-Communist revolt in Tibet succeeds?

The principle of nationalism of the Three People's Principles advocates that all racial groups within the nation should be equal. Accordingly, the Government has, in regard to Tibet, always respected the traditional political structure, religious belief and way of life of the Tibetans and assisted in their political, economic and cultural development.

The present situation is that only after the tyrannical Communist regime is overthrown can our nation enjoy the bright future that is destined to be ours, and only then can all the racial groups which make up our nation enjoy their normal development. The immediate task is therefore to unite all our efforts to crush the Communist tyranny first.

As to the guiding principle of the Government's policy in regard to the political status of Tibet after the Communist regime has toppled, the President has made it clear that the Government will assist the Tibetan people to realize their own aspirations in accordance with the principle of self-determination as soon as the people of Tibet are once again free to express their will.

They See the Bloodshed in Tibet

"Today it is Tibet. Tomorrow it may be Nepal, and the day after it may be us."—Mr. Ashok Mehta, Indian Socialist leader.

"The Tibet revolt is a shock and is evidence of Red China's lack of consideration for the right of free peoples. It is most grievous and tragic and it came as a dreadful shock." —Mr. Richard G. Casey, Australian External Affairs Minister.

"The Chinese Communists, in spite of their profession of being a peace-loving people who support the force of liberation, have shown once again they can be ruthless."—Dato Ismail bin Dato Abdul Rahman, Malayan Foreign Minister.

"The Tibetans are fighting to regain their lost freedom ... What is happening in Tibet today may happen in another Asian country tomorrow. The deadly serpent of Communist imperialism is not dead yet. At any moment it may raise its hood again ... "—Dinanina, Colombo, Ceylon.

"The lesson of it is one that must never be forgotten. It is that autocratic Communist Powers will stop at nothing to inflict their will. There is no room for difference or dissent. Total obedience is demanded. And there is no flinching from using death and destruction as a means of demanding it."—Daily Mail, London.

"Red repression in Lhasa could be even more brutal than in Budapest-for who would know what had been done?"- Time Magazine.

" ... In its ruthlessness, it recalled Russia's blood bath in Hungary." —Newsweek.

"The Red Chinese relish the massacre of people who are not as well armed as themselves."—Burma's Review.

"Tibetans are peaceful people. But driven to the wall, even a worm turns. Large scale uprooting, mass killings, desecration and occupation of their monasteries, left the Tibetans no alternative but to take to arms." —The Daily Comment, Karachi, Pakistan.

"Undoubtedly Hungary would be repeated in Tibet and Tibetan patriots opposing Chinese totalitarianism will be massacred or exiled like those of Hungary. There is no relation between humanism and Communism. Love of freedom is unheard of in their political ideology."—Kerala Janatha, Strivandrum, India.

"If the 'overwhelming majority' of the Tibetan people back the Communists, 'ardently love the People's Liberation Army' and 'oppose the imperialists and traitors,' it must be considered strange that it should be necessary to abolish the Tibetan government and set up a military administration under non-Tibetan control." —Hongkong Standard.

"Events in Tibet are an indication of serious deficiencies in the national policy of the Chinese leadership and also in other fields. The rebellion in Tibet, which is admitted by Peking.'s official communiqués to have been of considerable scope, is no incidental isolated event in this remote country."—Borba, Belgrade, Yugoslavia.

"The Communist Chinese military victory constitutes a political defeat, since it proves the Communists have not been able to create a base of popular support among the Tibetan people. The setting up of a military government is the final proof of this political failure ... " —The Times of India, New Delhi.

"The result of the revolt is plain from Chou En-lai's brusque statement.... By claiming that the Dalai Lama is under duress the Chinese may hope to save the day with a spurious autonomy, but any real autonomy is now shattered." —The Times, London.

"Moreover, this Tibetan resistance may well become a symbol to other Asian peoples. It is significant that Tibet is already being called the 'Hungary of Asia.' The deed and the symbol will remain in Asian minds when Chou En-lai again takes up his hypocritical chant about 'peaceful coexistence'."—New York Times.

"The fact that the Tibetans have risen up and are fighting against the mighty power of Red China with almost bare hands is proof that they can no longer endure the oppression and tyranny they are suffering." -The Siam Nikorn, Bangkok.

"The crushing of Tibetan freedom by Communist China is a gross betrayal of all that the Bandung Declaration represents. Here is colonialism bloodstained and rampant."—The Straits Times, Singapore.

"The tragedy of Tibet is one more reminder of the true nature of Communism .... By successive measures of the Chinese colonization protected by military occupation the 'Tibetans' autonomy has been whittled away."—News Chronicle, London.

" ... Three-hundred thousand spiritual subjects of the Lama have risen in arms to defend him, and so it happens that the Chinese Communists have unleashed their fury against those who battle for their faith ... All will be blood and devastation because that is the will of the men who speak of peace, of the men who speak of anti-imperialism, of the men who speak of peaceful co-existence."— EI Mundo, Buenos Aires.

"The Chinese statements leave no doubt that what has occurred in Tibet is a national uprising or as near to a national uprising as an affair of this kind can ever be and that the Chinese are meeting it with a policy of frank suppression with unlimited force. The Chinese want this policy of theirs to be taken as unquestionable and any criticism of it tabooed as interference in the internal affairs of China ... " —The Hindustan Standard, Delhi.

"The present upsurge of patriotism in Tibet has nothing to do with defense or foreign affairs, yet Peking intervenses to impose its will-by armed force. This is the essential lesson driven home by the events in Tibet-there is no freedom under Communism." —The Singapore Free Press.

"Oppression of a holy man is one of the worst crimes a Government can commit. Moreover, within China itself the results are incalculable. In Mongolia they practise the same lamaistic form of Buddhism as in Tibet; how will the Inner Mongolians look upon the destruction of monasteries?"—The Manchester Guardian.

"The essentially pastoral life of a people is being ruthlessly changed, maybe obliterated ... At least two ancient monasteries with their priceless religious books and other treasures have been bombed and set aflame." —Pioneer, Lucknow, India.

"Neither tanks, bombs nor armies can conceal from the Communist leaders the naked truth of their repudiation. Every day they are more and more discredited in the hearts of men .... "—The Presencia, La Paz, Bolivia.

"Chou En-lai will seek to persuade Asians that Peking had the best interests of the Tibetans at heart, even as Khrushchev has sought to erase the memory of Hungary from the world's conscience. But a ruthless suppression makes more of an impression the public conscience than the flooding of Asian markets with sweatshop-cheap Chinese Communist textiles."—Christian Science Monitor.

"Tibet's misfortunes are plucking at the heart-strings of all humanity. The spectacle of great and ancient monasteries, repositories of all the devout learning and piety of centuries, being blown to smithereens to put down the resistance of the Lamas, is one that will cause every Buddhist in Asia to shudder."—South China Morning Post, Hongkong.

"Peiping's callous disregard of human dignity is in full keeping with Communist doctrine. There are millions of Asians who may learn this lesson from what is happening in the Himalayas." —The Washington Star.

"Peiping can be expected to carry out measures for ruthless suppression of Tibetans. The problem of morality that arises, however, will be remembered by the people of Asia and the world and Peiping's action will not redound to its advantages ... " Mainichi, Tokyo.

"We can and should remind ourselves and the world that for all their talk of peace and non-aggression it is the Communists who persist in using force to extend the boundaries of their power."— The News Chronicle, London.

"Forced conversion to Communism at the point of the bayonet will not go down well in the neutral countries which are China's mainstay in international politics."— Times of Indonesia.

"The Neutralists in Asia should learn a lesson from this event. What is the value of Mr. Nehru's neutralism at this point? Has it helped the Tibetans? Has it won concessions from Peiping?" —The Daily Telegraph, London.

"It is not difficult to understand why the people are rebellious. Since 1950, Peking has ruthlessly tried to colonize Tibet with Chinese settlers, officials and soldiers on the familiar pattern of infiltration, indoctrination and domination." —The Eastern Economic, a New Delhi weekly.

"Communist China hitherto boasted of her success with the policy toward minority races. Therefore, the recent revolt of the Tibetans has proved to be a severe blow to Communist China ... "— Yomiuri Shinbum, Tokyo.

"It is ironical that the Khambas of Eastern Tibet, who are said to have been chiefly responsible for the rebellion, were supporters of the Chinese in 1950. Evidently their experience of Chinese Communist colonization has rather soured them against their former friends." —The Scotsman.

"By Peiping's own story, this uprising has been led by a majority of the Tibetan magnates who had previously accepted Red rule and served on the local 'government' set up under Communist auspices." —New York Herald Tribune.

"Peking is concerned that news of the extent of the Tibetan unrest should not reach the outside world, but more important still that it should not reach China proper, for fear of disaffection among other national minorities inside the country." —Time and Tide, London.

"The Tibetan uprising has all the earmarks of another Hungary and unless the free world acts at once, and at least exerts moral pressure against Peking, it will certainly follow Hungary."—Mr. Luciano Gilan, House representative, Republic of the Philippines.

"It will be a bad day for the world when an uprising in an occupied state against Communist oppression is shrugged off with indifference." —New York Journal-American.

Tibet Since 1951

Tibet came under the bayonet rule of the Chinese Communists in 1951.

On May 23, 1951, the Chinese Communists proclaimed the "peaceful liberation of Tibet from imperialist influences." On that day, a 17-article agreement was signed in Peiping between the Chinese Communists and representatives of the Dalai Lama and Panchen Erdeni, establishing the Communist hegemony in Tibet.

There was actually nothing peaceful about the "liberation" of Tibet. The Dalai Lama bowed to the Communists because a victorious Communist army had wiped out the entire Tibetan land force and was already within a hundred miles of the capital of Lhasa.

In the fall of 1949 when the Chinese Communists were rolling up the mainland, the Dalai Lama tried desperately to forestall what was then generally believed to be the ultimate Communist occupation of Tibet.

His effort failed. On September 2, 1949, the New China News Agency, the official Communist mouthpiece, came out with a belligerent editorial declaring that Tibet must be "liberated" and the Communists would not allow one "single inch of territory to remain outside the rule of the Chinese people's republic."

Two months later, on November 24, 1949, the Panchen Lama, arch rival of the Dalai Lama, who had been kept out of Tibet by pro-Dalai elements for his non-Tibetan attitude, was quoted by Peiping radio as having made an appeal to Mao Tse-tung requesting the Communists to use military force in the "liberation" of Tibet.

The desperate Dalai mobilized his nine-regiment army hoping to make a military stand against the Communists.

On October 7, 1950, Peiping ordered the 18th army under Chang Kuo-hua to march into Tibet via Sikang province. There was then only one highway linking up Tibet with southwest China through Sikang, built by the National Government. Chang's forces took the road over very rough terrain.

On October 17, Chang's forces crossed the Yangtze River into the part of Sikang inhabited by Tibetan herdsmen generally known to the outside as the Khambas. At Chamdo (Changtu) of Sikang, the Reds fought a fierce but short battle with the Tibetan regiments. In the course of one day, seven of the Dalai Lama's nine regiments were completely annihilated and the two other regiments battered beyond recognition by the seasoned Communist troops. The Tibetan military force crumbled on the fateful day of October 19, 1950.

The Communists claimed that they killed and captured 4,000 Tibetan soldiers including more than 20 high-ranking Tibetan officers in that encounter.

The triumphant Communist army then continued its march toward Lhasa. Their occupation of Lhasa did not realize in 1950 simply because of the terrain and the problem of supply.

17 Article Agreement

With all hopes gone, the Dalai Lama succumbed to Communist demand and sent a delegation to Peiping in early 1951. The delegation was headed by Ngapo Ngawang Jigme who later turned out to be a notorious traitor selling Tibet down the river. The Panchen Lama also sent his men to the Peiping negotiations.

The result was the 17-article agreement of May 23, 1951, which put Tibet under undisputed Communist rule. Under the treaty, the Dalai Lama promised to accept the Panchen Lama back into Tibet, to "actively assist the people's liberation army to enter Tibet and consolidate the national defense," and to reorganize the Tibetan army gradually to be later incorporated into the Communist army. As a matter of fact, the Dalai Lama was only permitted to reorganize the Tibetan army into two regiments, one for his own protection and the other for police duties.

The Chinese Communists made two concessions which they characteristically broke later on. Peiping promised not to alter the political system of Tibet and to respect the temporal and spiritual powers of the Dalai Lama. In 1956, the Communists broke both promises in one stroke by creating the so-called "Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region."

Chang Kuo-hua led his 18th army into Tibet in late 1951. The Peiping regime also appointed Chang Ching-wu as its "representative" in Tibet who was virtually the governor. In addition, political commissar Tan Kuan-san became the de facto civil affairs chief of Tibet.

Return of Panchen Erdeni

In the spring of 1952, Panchen Erdeni was returned by the Chinese Communists to his traditional capital of Shigatze in Houtsang (Back Tibet).

All Tibetans recognize the Dalai Lama as the reincarnation of the Buddha and the absolute sovereign of Tibet. The Panchen Lama was also recognized as a reincarnation of the Buddha. However, the Panchen Lama had never equaled the Dalai Lama in temporal powers. Rivalries between the two lamas continued for years, always ending in Dalai's victory.

Panchen Erdeni, only a boy of 14 when returned to Tibet, was especially held in contempt by the Tibetans. His announced inclination toward the Communists had alienated himself from the masses of Tibet.

Since his return to Shigatze, Panchen introduced some Communist measures. His mother took part in Communist women's organizations and he himself joined the Communist Youth Corps as a member, an act unthinkable to those who revered him. Young pioneers wearing red ties, insignia of the Dommunist organization for children, roamed in the streets of Shigatze. For all purposes, Panchen Erdeni had identified himself with the Communists

The Peiping regime sent the Panchen Lama back into Tibet in the hope that the Dalai Lama's absolute control over the Tibetan people would be lessened, or at least checked. This served neatly in the Communist game of "divide and rule."

The Communists needed Tibetan traitors. In Houtsang, the Communists had Panchen Erdeni who owed every thing he had to the Communists. In Chientsang Yu (Front Tibet) where the Dalai Lama ruled, the Communists were building up the influence of Ngapo Ngawang Jigme. Through these men, the Communists were hoping for an early communization of Buddhist Tibet.

The Communists never expected the two lamas to cultivate friendly relations and the two did not. The Dalai Lama indicated that he still had not accepted the Panchen Lama into his confidence when he said in 1956:

"In 1952, Panchen Erdeni returned to Tibet and was warmly welcomed by all the people of Tibet. The original position and power of Panchen Erdeni were respected in accordance with the agreement (of May 23, 1951). My personal relations with Panchen Erdeni and the relations between the personnel under me and under the Panchen Lama have also improved considerably. The former mutual mistrusts and misgivings, as well as grievances against each other which resulted from the instigations and estrangements by the reactionary ruling class in the past, have now been reduced. Under the shining banner of Chairman Mao's nationality policy, Panchen and I have joined hands in unity, consult each other and make mutual concessions in joint efforts to build a new Tibet."

These carefully camouflaged words reflected the continued existence of rivalry and mutual mistrust between the two lamas.

Communist Honeymoon

When the Communists first entered Tibet, they did not carry along with them the purges, rural reforms and other drastic measures. On the other hand, they wore the kid 'gloves in their relations and dealings with 'the Tibetans.

For a stretch of months, the Communists enjoyed a honeymoon in Tibet.

At first, the Communists respected the status of the Tibet local government under the Dalai Lama. They stayed away from religious disputes and hoped for introduction bf Communist measures through the local rulers. They did not molest the temples and the people. In general, the Communists walked cautiously in Tibet. They even lent money to the farmers.

But Communism can never live in peace with religion, especially Lamaism which exercises temporal powers at the same time. The Chinese Communists, knowing the devout religious nature of the Tibetans, adopted the "go slow" policy only for the moment. They never stopped for a moment nourishing the hope that Tibet, like the other parts on the Chinese mainland, would soon be transformed into a Communist land where the party rules supreme and all former institutions and beliefs are broken to pieces.

The Communists thus started to recruit Tibetan cadres for training. The Tibetan Region Committee of the Chinese Communist party took up the training programs. It was through these Tibetan cadres that the Communists wanted to facilitate their ultimate communization and communalization of Tibet. The Communists also set up schools to indoctrinate the young.

Communist reports since 1952 had been mentioning the slow and insignificant progresses made in Tibet. The Communists were at the same time complaining about the insufficient progresses achieved under the Tibetan local government. For instance, Chang Kuo-hua said in a 1956 speech:

"The Tibetan people are devoted followers of Lamaism. There are over 100,000 lamas in the region (against a total population of 1,200,000) and religion has a great influence upon the life of the people and in political affairs. The Tibetan social and economic structure is still in the feudal-serfdom stage, production techniques are backward and the livelihood of the laboring people is poverty- stricken...

"In the past years, under the correct leadership of the Central Committee of the party, we have made some accomplishments in Tibet. We first developed from all sides the work on the anti-imperialist and patriotic united front, conducted extensive propaganda and education on patriotism and strengthened the unity between the Tibetan nationality and other nationalities of the motherland ... "

Chang Kuo-hua then went on to say that the achievements were not enough and "it is necessary to undertake various construction projects in a well-planned manner. It is not only necessary that the Tibetan people should work hard themselves, but also essential that the working class and intellectuals of all fraternal nationalities should render their assistance."

The Communists apparently had worked out long range programs for Tibet. The exploitations in future was indicated by Chen Yi, Communist "vice premier" who led a delegation into Tibet in 1956, in the following words:

"There is a very extensive future in the economic construction of the Tibet region. Tibet has rich mineral resources, including rare metals and precious metals. The land is fertile and irrigation facilities are good. There is a great potential of hydro-electric power. In the northern part of the region are natural pastures. In the southern part there are primeval forests. All these factors, if fully utilized, will bring unlimited possibilities to the construction of Tibet and its contribution to the motherland."

Intent on exploiting Tibet and converting it into another Communist province, the Chinese Communists after 1952 replaced their kid gloves with brass knuckles.

Tibet at a Glance

• Population: About 1,200,000. However, approximately 1,800,000 Tibetans live in the provinces of Chinghai, Kansu, Sikang and Szechuan, outside of Tibet.

• Area: 475,000 sq. mi.

• Topography: Plateau, average height 16,000 ft. above sea level.

• Neighbors: Kashmir on the west, Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan on the south, Sikang province on the east, Chinghai and Sinkiang provinces on the north.

• Religion: Lamaism

• Capital: Lhasa

• Staple food: Yak's meat, mutton, barley, flour, cheese, tea.

Tibet in Chinese History

Chinese suzerainty has always been upheld in Tibet since the time of its recorded history.

The first Tibetan monarch, King Srongtsan Gampo, began sending tribute to Emperor Tai Tsung of the Tang Dynasty in A.D. 634. He married Princess Wen Cheng, daughter of Tai Tsung, whose seventh century clay image remains to this day in Lhasa. Chinese influence was apparent in the costumes of the images of Tibetan kings preserved since that time.

The great-great-grandson of Srongtsan Gampo, King Krisrong Deutsan, again married a Chinese princess, Princess Chin Cheng, a cousin of Emperor Chung, Tsung. Standing in front of Lhasa's Tachao Lamasery today is a stone tablet put up in A. D. 781, pledging peace and permanent bounds between the two lands that are like "uncle and nephew."

It was the Chinese who first brought Buddhism into Tibet. From translations of Chinese books; the Tibetans learned astronomy and medicine. The Tibetan calendar is largely similar to Chinese lunar calendar. For centuries China has supplied brick tea, which is probably the most important item in the daily life of every Tibetan.

Throughout the Sung, Yuan and Ming Dynasties, Tibet continued to send tributes to the Chinese emperors and received in turn gifts usually given to vassal states. The earlier rulers and, since the fifteenth century, the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Erdeni were all officially appointed by the Chinese government.

Emperor Yung Cheng of the Ching Dynasty first began to station an imperial minister in Tibet in 1727. The power of the imperial minister in Lhasa was broadened after Chinese troops, at the request of the Dalai Lama, were sent into Tibet to help repel the Nepalese invasion in 1790. A second Nepalese invasion in 1858 has settled at the mere threat of Chinese intervention. The troops remained in Tibet until the end of the Ching Dynasty.

An estimated 1,800,000 Tibetans live in the Chinese provinces of Sikang and Chinghai. Both the present Dalai Lama and the Panchen Erdeni were not born in Tibet, but in Chinghai. The former was installed in February 1940, at the age of four, by an ordinance of the Government of the Republic of China confirming the choice of the Tibetans. Mr. Wu Chung-hsin, then chairman of the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission, was sent to Lhasa to officiate at the ceremony. The latter was installed in Chi'nghai in August, 1949, also by the Government of the Republic of China, with Mr. Kuan Chieh-yu, then chairman of the Commission, officiating.

Despotic Measures

Beginning from 1952, large numbers of Communist cadres poured into Tibet. They began to disregard the authority of the Tibetan local government and placed their own men into the districts for execution of Communist policies. The Communist garrison force, instead of posing as frontier sentinels, also took an active part in carrying out the "socialist reforms."

The first step was the construction of highways. The Lhasa-Chamdo highway was in long need of repair. The Communists started to repair it. The Communists also started to build a new highway linking Lhasa with Chinghai province to the northeast.

An estimated 200,000 Tibetans were forced into the slave labor projects. Bitter cold weather, starvation and hard work saw about one fourth of the Tibetans die of hunger and cold weather and fatigue. It was something the Tibetans never dreamed of.

The Communists also started to take away the weapons from the people and lamaseries. Tibetan herdsmen who refused to surrender their arms were barred from entering Communist-garrisoned districts.

Production cooperatives were created and farmers and cattlemen were impressed into the cooperatives. Special Tibetan products such as yak and sheep hides and herbal medicines were purchased at very low prices by the Communists.

Tibetan farmers were also to sell their foodstuffs at alarmingly low prices to the Communists for military use. This caused a serious foodstuff shortage in Tibet. Even the Dalai Lama openly complained, in April 1956 of the "incorrect pricing policy" which created food shortages.

Then the Communists poked their nose into religious freedom. They, through training and schooling, tried to undermine the vaulted position of the lamas. Young' people were told not to become lamas. The lamas were told to abandon celibacy and get married.

The Tibetans, who tolerated the Communist occupation in the first few months, now fully tasted the bitterness of Communism. Knowing that Lamaism and freedom are never compatible with Communism, the Tibetans rose to protect their own religion, their way of life and their own lives.

Communist oppression and' exploitation of the people had so aroused the ire and wrath of the people that mass discontentment built itself into passive resistance, soon translated into armed revolts rising into the crescendo of the March 1959 revolution at Lhasa.

According to Tibetan resistance leaders, the rape of Tibet was so complete that “our people in the east and northeastern parts are face to face with starvation. The Chinese Communists have wrested from our hands the only grains we had: They also forced us to open up grain storages which had been with us for more than a century. They also robbed us of our gold and silver buried underground.

"In the southern and central parts of our land, the Communists, in the name of building state highways, barracks and arsenals, destroyed thousands of acres of farmlands. For the east and northeast, the Chinese Communists have imposed on us the land reform of their own design. Half of the population in that area are farmers and the other half, herdsmen. Intent on launching the land reform, the Communists moved in large numbers of people from other places and distributed our land to them. In that manner, the Communists collectivized the farmlands. In that manner, the Communists forced the Tibetan farmer to work more than 12 hours a day with an income so meager that he could not use it to buy his meals. In their rationing, the Communists even refused to give out the blanket, houses or clothing’s which are so vital to us Tibetans in our everyday life."

Accusing the Communists of religious persecution, the resistance leaders in their recent declaration said: "The Communists stopped the lamaist monks from exercising their naturally endowed power of getting food. The Communists tortured the monks by denying them food so as to force them to abandon their faith. Day in and day out, night in and night out, the Communists told us simple people and lamas of Tibet that religion is empty words and the temporary uplifting effects of religion are just like the uplifting effects of opium on an ove