The winning percentages, 95.96 percent for Lee and 93.48 percent for Li, was higher than expected. The National Assembly, although dominated by senior members elected in 1947, has reflect ed the public will, and the stamp of legitimacy gives President Lee a strong mandate and solid authority to effect necessary political reforms.
President Lee became the first native son of Taiwan to be sworn in as President of the ROC when the late President Chiang Ching-kuo passed away on January 13, 1988. For the past two years, President Lee has demonstrated strong leadership capabilities while guiding the country through a complex transitional period leading to full constitutional democracy.
The President has continued carrying out the reforms initiated by the late President Chiang, including the rejuvenation of central parliamentary organs, the legalization of political parties, and the liberalization of mainland policy. Now that President Lee has been elected to his first full six-year term, he is expected to depart from close adherence to the Chiang legacy and open a new era in his own right.
While campaigning for office, President Lee announced that he and his running mate, if elected, would devote themselves to the welfare of the nation and the people for six years and would not seek re-election in 1996. With such a determined orientation, the President is in a position to bring about whatever changes are necessary to democratize the political system. In a statement issued after his election, the President promised that he will do his utmost to unite all forces of society to strive for constitutional democracy, economic progress, and social stability, pledging that he "will not betray the people's trust and expectations."
Members of the National Assembly cast their votes for the eighth-term President of the ROC on March 21, 1990.
Judicial Yuan President Lin Yang-kang and National Security Council Secretary-General Wego Chiang, who withdrew from the race for President and Vice President by rejecting a draft by some senior members of the National Assembly, immediately offered their congratulations to the election winners. This shows that the ruling Kuomintang has for the time being overcome its internal disputes and once again achieved consensus and solidarity within the party.
The election for President and Vice President has heightened public awareness of various problems in the political system inherited by the present leadership and has greatly intensified public demands for reforms. Tension mounted on the eve of the polls, with about 9,000 students and other citizens joining a round-the-clock sit-in on the vast plaza of the Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall.
After the election results were announced, President Lee immediately sought to defuse the situation by receiving 50 student representatives at the Presidential Building where he assured them that the government would speed up the pace of reform. The student protesters decided early in the morning the following day to end their sit-in and return to classes.
In another move to alleviate public tension, the President decided to invite the main opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) to a Conference on National Affairs, tentatively scheduled for Mayor June. In response to what was described as an "initial positive response," the DPP called off its plan for massive protests at the Chungshan Building on Yangming Mountain north of Taipei where the National Assembly was scheduled to vote.
The KMT Central Standing Committee on March 21 approved the President's plan to hold the Conference on National Affairs, indicating that it was a chance for productive national dialogue. Political leaders, including those from opposition parties, as well as scholars and other prominent members of society will be invited to discuss the current constitutional structure, priority political reforms, and questions concerning national reunification.
The most urgent reform on the agenda will be the issue of parliamentary reform. At present, 668 of the 752-member National Assembly were elected in 1947 and have been frozen in office for more than four decades. Slightly more than half of the members of the Legislative Yuan are also senior legislators. Even though the Legislative Yuan passed a Bill on Voluntary Retirement of the Senior Parliamentarians in February 1989, providing a substantial pension for their honorable retirement, few parliamentarians have actually retired.
The continued presence of these senior parliamentarians in office was the root problem that led to the recent mass protests by students, the opposition party, and other citizens. In order to respond to public demands and establish a fair environment for multiparty competition, President Lee and the KMT are expected to exert all efforts to bring about the retirement of the senior parliamentarians before the next general election in 1992.
In recent months, the debate over the ROC's constitutional structure has also intensified. At the heart of the issue is the question of whether the nation should follow a cabinet system or a presidential system. According to the Constitution, the ROC's political system is actually organized as a combination of both systems. Advocates of the cabinet system have argued that the Office of the President has been given too much power under the Temporary Provisions Effective During the Period of Communist Rebellion (an amendment attached to the Constitution in 1948 which overrides many parts of the Constitution) without being held accountable to any of the parliamentary bodies.
The Constitution stipulates that the Executive Yuan is the highest administrative organ of the nation and that the Executive Yuan shall be responsible to the Legislative Yuan. Advocates of the cabinet system urge the abolition of the Temporary Provisions in order to make power compatible with responsibility and guarantee that the government abides by the spirit of the Constitution.
Defenders of the presidential system point out that both the cabinet and the presidential systems are legitimate constitutional structures for a democratic country. The cabinet system, they say, is not the only ideal system for a democracy. They add that the Office of the President has assumed more powers than the Constitution prescribes because in the past the President has usually served concurrently as the chairman of the ruling party. Therefore, the argument goes, the real solution lies in democratizing the decision-making process within the party. The powers and duties must be clearly demarcated between the President and the Premier.
President Lee Teng-hui and his running mate Li Yuan-zu (at left) visit a member of the National Assembly to ask for his support.
The decision about adopting a cabinet system will depend in large part on whether or not the participants in the Conference on National Affairs can reach a consensus. Complicating the decision are considerations about the impact of abrogating the Temporary Provisions Effective During the Period of Communist Rebellion while the Peking leadership refuses to renounce the use of force against the ROC on Taiwan and continues its attempts to isolate the ROC in the international community. The discussions of political reform measures will necessarily involve questions of national security.
The question of national identity will also be a key issue during the Conference discussions. During the campaign period for the general elections at the end of 1989, 31 DPP candidates formed the so-called "new country alliance" and proposed a basic law for "the Republic of Taiwan." At the opening ceremonies of the National Assembly in February 1990, eleven DPP assembly men brought the issue of national identity to a head by changing the wording of the oath taken by all Assembly members. They substituted "Taiwan" for the "Republic of China" in the original oath, which led to their disqualification from attending the sessions.
But pushing the issue of Taiwan independence may well bring about immediate dangers, both in Taiwan and from the Chinese mainland. The Conference on National Affairs should help defuse this question by bringing about a national consensus about the fundamental goal of achieving reunification of all China under freedom, democracy, and prosperity.
If the DPP wants to avoid permanent opposition status and have the chance to become the ruling party someday in the future, it may have to moderate its political position. Most of the electorate, especially the middle class, are situated near the center of the political spectrum, and they place a high value on political and social stability. Relying primarily on in tense confrontations and so-called street politics may bring negative returns in the long term. A viable multiparty system is characterized by centripetal competition rather than centrifugal activities. The overall political environment can be expected to improve if the ideological distance between the two major parties were reduced—while still remaining competitive—and the conference will be an opportunity to promote this evolution. As the nation begins a new era under President Lee, the DPP has a key role to playas a responsible opposition party. Its success in articulating well-founded and clear alternative policies will put party politics on a firmer footing and also serve the overall development of a democratic society.
Members of the National Assembly stand beside the final vote count, showing that President Lee Teng-hui has received 641 of 668 votes cast.
Six DPP candidates were elected as county magistrates in the December 1989 general elections. After assuming office they have made a number of major administrative changes, including the adoption of a five-day work-week in their counties, a decision taken in defiance of central government regulations. These actions have illustrated the necessity of demarcating more clearly the powers and duties among the central, provincial, and local governments. The powers of local self-government deserve especially careful review, and questions such as allowing the direct election of the Taipei and Kaohsiung mayors are already high on the public agenda.
President Lee is expected to issue a timetable for political reform after the Conference on National Affairs has completed its deliberations. At the same time, the KMT and the DPP should have achieved a consensus on the need to restore law and order in society and thwart the rising crime rate. Crime and violence fed by smuggled guns, street demonstrations, and the physical conflicts in the parliamentary bodies have all seriously dampened optimism about the economic environment. Businessmen are less eager to invest in manufacturing, R&D, and upgrading technology, and in creasing numbers of citizens have decided to emigrate. Thus, political leaders in the ruling and opposition parties all face the challenge of restoring the people's confidence in the future of the nation.
In the aftermath of the Tienanmen incident in Peking and the breakdown of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe, a drastic and fundamental change may well come to the Chinese mainland at any time. As a result, the ROC must always be well prepared for any eventuality. The government has already begun a process of establishing a more aggressive and forward-looking mainland policy, and the probability of further exchanges between the peoples on the two sides of the Taiwan Straits is very high. Such activities will also serve to encourage the evolution of democracy on the mainland.
Local boy makes good—residents of President Lee Teng-hui's hometown of Sanchih in Taipei County celebrate his election to the nation's highest office.
In his determination to enhance the image of the ROC in the international arena, President Lee has implemented a more flexible and pragmatic foreign policy, establishing a strong record of building mutual trust and cordial relations with countries around the world. Coupled with this diplomatic policy, the ROC has been building a highly diversified range of substantive economic and trade links around the world. As the 12th largest trading country in the world and the second largest holder of foreign exchange reserves, the ROC has begun shouldering more responsibility in the international community. As this process continues, the ROC can be expected to become a member of more international organizations and playa key role in them.
President Lee has already proven himself capable of wise and influential leadership, and the people are now expecting him to lead the nation in shaking off any remaining vestiges of authoritarian rule and in completing the transformation of government into a full constitutional democracy. The President has won the highest office of the nation through his dedication to the country and constant care for public welfare. In the coming six years of service, he will also benefit from the support and advice of Vice President Li, an experienced politician and legal scholar. The people of the ROC have placed their trust and confidence in their newly elected leaders and are looking forward to a new era of national achievement.