Taiwan Today

As if the blows dealt by the anti-Communists and anti-Maoists on the mainland were not heavy enough, the Peiping regime received another international drubbing. The United Nations cast its 18th vote in 19 years on the subject of "China representa­tion" and again upheld the Republic of China by a substantial margin. The principal vote came on the Albanian motion to seat the Chinese Communists and expel the Republic of China. Peiping was defeated by 58 to 44 with 23 countries abstaining and Indonesia absent. A two-thirds majority would have been re­quired to pass the Albanian resolution. The two-thirds rule was imposed by an overwhelming count of 73 to 47 with 5 abstentions and Indonesia again absent.

Also decisively rejected was the Italian resolution to have a committee study the dispute and report to the General Assembly. Affirmative votes totaled only 30 with 67 opposed, 27 abstaining and 2 absent. The study proposal would have required a two-thirds major­ity. That was decided by 63 to 32 with 29 abstaining. For the most part, only those that accept "two Chinas" supported the Italian proposition. The Communists also reject it.

As compared with 1967 and 1966, the Chinese Communists' attempt to shoot their way into the United Nations continued to lose ground. The 1967 vote on the Albanian resolution was 58 to 45 with 17 absten­tions, 1 not participating and 1 absent. This meant that Peiping lost a vote despite the addition of four new members in the General Assembly. The 1966 rollcall was 57 to 46. On the two-thirds motion, Pei­ping lost a vote and the ROC gained four over 1967, when the count was 69 to 48. The 1966 vote on two-thirds was 66 to 48. As for the Italian proposal, there were 10 more votes against it than in 1967, when the tally was 32 for and 57 against with 30 abstentions. The 1966 vote was 34 to 62 with 25 abstentions.

Especially reassuring to the Republic of China was the solid support of most of the developing African countries. The ROC has sought friendly relations with all of the African countries that reject Communism and has sent farm demonstration or other technical assistance missions to more than a score of them. Quiet diplomacy and modest African aid returned important dividends. Free China's African friends were tried and found not wanting.

President Chiang Kai-shek, other free Chinese leaders and foreign friends expressed satisfaction with the increasing international rejection of Peiping and its conspiracies. The chief executive told the National Security Council that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had done its work well. At the United Nations, Foreign Minister Wei Tao-ming said: "Once again the majority of the Assembly have upheld the rightful posi­tion of my government in the United Nations. By so doing, they have reaffirmed the principles and purposes of the Charter. We are also gratified that the Assembly, in its wisdom, has again rejected the proposal to set up an ad hoc committee to study the so-called question of Chinese representation."

A statement by the Foreign Ministry in Taipei expressed thanks to friendly nations. Commentators took note of the absence of Indonesia, formerly a Pei­ping backer. This was obviously no accident. Jakarta continued to support the Red Chinese bid for a U.N. seat even after Peiping's attempt to take over Indonesia. As recently as 1967, the Indonesian vote was in the Chinese Communist column. Such old modes of be­havior die hard.

David Dean, the charge d'affairs of the American Embassy in Taipei, gave a champagne party to mark the victory. He said that the United Nations had demonstrated its faith in the Republic of China. The ambassadors of Spain, Thailand, Japan and other countries extended their congratulations.

Anti-Communist countries showed deep interest in the week-long debate. Participation was at a record level.

Speaking for the United States, Ambassador J.R. Wiggins said that while the Republic of China has faithfully fulfilled all its peaceful obligations under the Charter, the Peiping regime has resorted to armed force and aggression, has persisted in atmospheric testing of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons and has talked of reorganizing the United Nations and rewriting its history. "The Charter," he said, "reserves expul­sion for those states which have consistently violated the Charter. The Republic of China does not represent any part of the definition."

As for Peiping, Ambassador Wiggins declared: "The participation of Peiping in the United Nations at this juncture would be a source of discord and disrup­tion in the U.N. efforts to discharge its heavy responsi­bilities. Its presence in the Security Council, for ex­ample, would weaken the Council's ability to discharge its heavy responsibilities for international peace and security."

Indonesia, which absented itself from all votes, accused Peiping of "sustained and abusive attacks on the government and people" of that country.

Australian Ambassador Patrick Shaw told the As­sembly that the Chinese Communists are disqualified from U.N. membership by their own words and deeds. He said that the "hectoring demands" of Peiping will not be met. "Universal membership in the United Na­tions - even when it is achieved - will imply universal willingness to accept and carry out the objectives of the Charter." He said that Australia has increased its trade contacts with Peiping and would continue to do so but that no action should be taken that would give the appearance of sanctioning Peiping's belligerent policies toward its neighbors and the rest of the world.

On the Communist side, the Soviet Union gave only the lip service of endorsing Peiping's membership "as a matter of principle". India, once an ardent ad­vocate of Red Chinese membership, didn't even speak.

Swaziland, one of the four states that have entered the United Nations in the last year, stepped forward to speak for the Republic of China. Ambassador S.T. Msindazwe Sukati said his country could not under­stand why the Assembly has been compelled to return to the same question year after year. Peiping has not changed, he said, and the matter should not be brought up again and again.

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'China representation' rollcalls at 23rd General Assembly

Following is the rollcall vote on the Albania res­olution to admit Communist China into the U.N. and expel the Republic of China:
For (44) - Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Bulgaria, Burma, Burundi, Byelorussia, Cambodia, Ceylon, Congo-Brazzaville, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Ethiopia, Finland, France, Guinea, Hun­gary, India, Iraq, Kenya, Mali, Mauritania, Outer Mongolia, Morocco, Nepal, Norway, Pakistan, Poland, Romania, Somalia, Southern Yemen, Sudan, Sweden, Syria, Uganda, Ukraine, Soviet Union, United Arab Republic, United Kingdom, Tanzania, Yemen, Yugoslavia, Zambia.
Against (58) - Argentina, Australia, Barbados, Belgium, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Congo-Kinshasa, Costa Rica, Dahomey, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Gabon, Gambia, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast, Japan, Jordan, Lesotho, Liberia, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Malta, Mexico, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Rwanda, Saudi Arabia, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Spain, Swaziland, Thai­land, Togo, Turkey, United States, Upper Volta, Uruguay, Venezuela. Abstaining (23) - Austria, Canada, Cyprus, Ecuador, Equatorial Guinea, Ghana, Guyana, Ice­land, Iran, Jamaica, Kuwait, Laos, Lebanon, Libya, Maldive Islands, Mauritius, Netherlands, Nigeria, Portugal, Senegal, Singapore, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia.
Absent (1) - Indonesia. Following is the rollcall vote on treating any change in Chinese representation as an important question requiring a two-thirds majority:
For (73) - Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Bo­livia, Botswana, Brazil, Cameroon, Canada, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Congo-Kinshasa, Costa Rica, Cyprus, Dahomey, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Gambia, Greece, Guatemala, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, Iran, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Laos, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Luxemburg, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldive Islands, Malta, Mauritius, Mexico, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Rwanda, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Spain, Swaziland, Thailand, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkey, Britain, United States, Upper Volta, Uruguay, Venezuela.
Against: (47) - Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Bulgaria, Burma, Burundi, Byelorussia, Cambodia, Ceylon, Congo-Brazzaville, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Ethiopia, Finland, France, Ghana, Gui­nea, Hungary, India, Iraq, Kenya, Kuwait, Mali, Mauritania, Outer Mongolia, Nepal, Nigeria, Norway, Pakistan, Poland, Romania', Singapore, Somalia, Southern Yemen, Sudan, Sweden, Syria, Tunisia, Uganda, Ukraine, USSR, United Arab Republic, Tanzania, Yemen, Yugoslavia, Zambia.
Abstaining (5) - Austria, Barbados, Portugal, Ecuador, Morocco.
Absent (1) - Indonesia.
Following is the rollcall vote on Italy's proposal for a study committee to seek an "equitable and just solution":
For (30) - Barbados, Belgium, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Cyprus, Ecuador, Guatemala, Haiti, Ice­land, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Laos, Lebanon, Luxembourg, Maldive Islands, Mauritius, Mexico, Netherlands, New Zealand, Sierra Leone, Spain, Tunisia, Turkey, United States, Uruguay, Venezuela. Against (67) - Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Australia, Botswana, Bulgaria, Burma, Burundi, Byelorussia, Cambodia, Cameroon, Central Africa Republic, Ceylon, Chad, China, Congo-Brazzaville, Congo-Kinshasa, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Dahomey, Denmark, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Finland, France, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Honduras, Hungary, India, Iraq, Ivory Coast, Jor­dan, Kenya, Kuwait, Lesotho, Malawi, Mali, Mauri­tania, Outer Mongolia, Nepal, Niger, Nigeria, Pakistan, Paraguay, Philippines, Poland, Romania, Rwanda, Singapore, South Africa, Southern Yemen, Sudan, Sweden, Syria, Thailand, Uganda, Ukraine, USSR, United Arab Republic, Tanzania, Upper Volta, Yemen, Yugoslavia, Zambia.
Abstaining (27) - Argentina, Austria, Bolivia, Canada, Costa Rica, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Greece, Guyana, Iran, Liberia, Libya, Madagascar, Malaysia, Malta, Morocco, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Peru, Portugal, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Swaziland, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, United Kingdom.
Absent (2) - Indonesia, Somalia.

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Alhaiji Aminu Kano of Nigeria stuck by Red China but was compelled to admit that Peiping's sup­port and encouragement of Nigerian rebels had shock­ed his government. Romania ignored even the most elementary facts and hailed Peiping for transforming the Chinese mainland from semi-feudalism to a modern agricultural and industrialized state.

Philippines Ambassador Privado G. Jimenez quot­ed Mao and said that the Peiping regime represents "a negation of the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter". If Peiping were a member of the U.N., he said, it would have to be expelled for its acts of aggression.

Japan's Ambassador Senjin Tsuruoka said his country would vote against the Albanian resolution and expressed hope that a large majority of other members would do likewise.

"We shall vote against it and we hope that a large majority of the Assembly will join us in doing likewise," he said. "It is altogether unreasonable and unjust to propose that the representatives of the Republic of China, or for that matter, the representatives of any member state, should be summarily expelled from the United Nations."

Malagasy and the Central African Republic lined up on the ROC side. Ambassador Michel Gallin-Douathe of the CAF said his country spoke out of ex­perience with Peiping's subversive undertakings. The Central African Republic accepted a Red Chinese "embassy", he said, only to find that Peiping was try­ing to organize a "people's army" to crush the host country.

Ambassador Celestin Kabanda of Rwanda said it was absurd to talk of admitting China to the United Nations, because China was already a member. He said it was wrong to distinguish Taiwan from China, because Taiwan is an integral part of the Chinese state.

Support came, too, from such widely separated countries as the Dominican Republic, Lesotho, Niger and Colombia.

Ambassador Horacio Julio Ornes-Coiscou of Dominica called attention to the aggressiveness of Pei­ping and contrasted this with ROC peaceful behavior and loyalty to U.N. Charter principles. He pointed out that those who advocate the admission of Red China in the name of universality contradict themselves in demanding the expulsion of the Republic of China.

Lesotho said there had been no change in the situation applying to China and recalled that Peiping had waged war against the United Nations.

Ambassador Adamou Mayaki of Niger stressed Red China's lack of qualifications for U.N. member­ship. Peiping is not peace-loving, he said, nor is it able and willing to carry out obligations of the Charter. He warned that admission of Red China could lead to destruction of the United Nations.

Ambassador Julio Cesar Turbay-Ayala of Colombia reaffirmed his country's determination to defend the Republic of China's legitimate position in the United Nations.

Foreign Minister Wei Tao-ming set the keynote of the arguments for free China and against Peiping in these remarks during the course of the Assembly's gen­eral debate:

"The Chinese delegation, representing a peace­-loving nation, has always been ready to support every effort directed toward the strengthening of international peace and security and to welcome every sign pointing to a relaxation of international tension," he said.

"For all its aggressiveness, the Chinese Commu­nists arc not really as strong and powerful as they would have others believe. At the 22nd session of the General Assembly last year, I had occasion to report the so-called 'great proletarian cultural revolution', designed to destroy all vestiges of Chinese culture and tradition, had thrown the mainland into a state of utter confusion, had smashed both the administrative and party machinery, and had ruined the national economy.

"Contrary to reports in the Western press, the situation has further deteriorated. The establishment of the so-called 'revolutionary committees' in place of the old administrative and party machinery has failed to restore law and order. A generally accepted and effective system of authority now continues to elude Peiping, resulting in persistent instability, economic decline and recurring violence throughout the land.

"The official press has blamed this sad state of affairs on 'renegades, enemy agents, landlords and other counterrevolutionaries who have been disrupting rail­way traffic, looting state property, attacking military establishments and sowing discord between the army and the people, thus pointing the spearhead at the 'People's Liberation Army'. What this really means is that the effort to construct a stable system has been thwarted by the intense hatred which the majority of the Chinese people have for the Communists and their oppressive deeds.

"It is clear that the events of the past two a half years have eroded the three main props of the Chinese Communist regime - the cult of Mao Tse-tung, the Chinese Communist Party and the so-called 'People's Liberation Army'. The image of an omnipotent and omniscient Mao Tse-tung, which Peiping has made such frenzied efforts to inculcate for 19 years, has been destroyed forever. The party apparatus is in the process of disintegration. The army, which unquestionably holds the key to the regime's future, is torn by factional strife. It is not surprising that a large number of armed organizations, which are anti-Mao or anti-Communist or both, have sprung into being and are gaining strength in all parts of the country. The masses of the people on the Chinese mainland have become in­creasingly aware that there is an alternative to Com­munist tyranny. Their fervent aspiration is the restora­tion of freedom under constitutional rule.

"The Chinese Communists are now in the throes of an unprecedented crisis. They have ceased to ex­ercise effective control over the greater part of the mainland. The hopes of the Chinese people for regain­ing their lost freedom are brighter than ever before. I have no doubt that they will in the end succeed in over­throwing their oppressors. Let no one try to give the Chinese Communists a new lease on life through mem­bership in the United Nations. Let no one pervert the vital principles of the Charter in order to serve the in­terest of the aggressors and warmakers."

Ambassador to the United Nations Liu Chieh ex­ercised the Republic of China's right of reply as the representation debate neared an end. He took note of Albania's role as principal advocate of Peiping's mem­bership, and said:

"Albania is the pariah of the Communist world; it is Peiping's mouthpiece. What it has to say is no more than echo of the master's voice." It was not surprising, he added, that the Albanian representative presented denunciations of "U.S. imperialism" and "Soviet revisionism" rather than arguments for the Chinese Communists.

Ambassador Liu reviewed the peaceful, construc­tive record of the Republic of China and said:

"The government of the Republic of China that participated in the San Francisco conference is the same government of the Republic of China on whose behalf I am speaking today. There has been no break in the continuity of leadership, institutions and policy. Its legal status has not changed. The fact that Com­munist rebels are in occupation of the mainland does not affect this legal status. In the eyes of all Chinese ­- including those on the Chinese mainland - this govern­ment remains the legally constituted government of China. It represents the spirit of the Chinese nation. It is the rallying point for the fight to regain freedom for the masses of the Chinese people. Its rightful position in the United Nations is unchallengeable."

Addressing himself to the argument regarding U.N. universality, the ambassador declared:

"Let me say at once that we of the Chinese delegation have no quarrel with the principle of universali­ty if it is properly interpreted. Indeed, in the Con­fucian school of political thought the ultimate goal of human progress is the establishment of a universal so­ciety or the 'great commonwealth' in which all nations live in good faith and in harmonious relationship with one another.

"But we do not believe that universality, however desirable it may be, is an end in itself, nor is it expressly provided in the Charter as an essential goal of the United Nations. Nor do we believe that the principle of universality can be mechanically applied as a guideline for membership in the United Nations. If mechani­cal universality was intended by the framers of the Charter, Articles 4, 5 and 6 would not have been writ­ten into the Charter specifying conditions for admis­sion, suspension or expulsion of members."

He also spoke to the "kind of goodwill and generosity shown by India, Indonesia and other Asian countries" and said this would be "no defense against the fanaticism and militancy of Mao Tse-tung and his gang. This policy of appeasement will not bring 'mutual cooperation' and 'peace and security' to Southeast Asia. It will only whet the appetite of the aggressor. In all sincerity, I say to my fellow Asian representatives in this Assembly that the fate of the Republic of China is bound up with the rest of Asia and that we are in the same boat and fighting for a common cause. What is true and vital for Asia is equally so for Africa and other areas vulnerable to Chinese Communist subver­sion and infiltration."

As for any submission of the "China representa­tion" question to a study committee, Ambassador Liu said:

"There prevails a basic misconception about the whole question of Chinese representation in the United Nations. This misconception is even shared by some of the delegations which have consistently upheld the rightful position of my government in the organization. This is the belief or rather mistaken belief that mem­bers of the Assembly are obliged to find some sort of compromise solution to the so-called question of Chi­nese representation.

"For our part, the very idea of study and explora­tion is repugnant. It seems to us that the issues involv­ed in the so-called question of Chinese representation are clear enough. It has been extensively and thorough­ly discussed by the Assembly as a whole in many a session. No study and exploration are needed for its understanding. "

Support for the ROC cause came from the worldwide community of 17 million overseas Chinese. In a full-page advertisement in the New York Times, the presidents or chairmen of cultural, educational, com­mercial and social organizations of overseas Chinese in 46 countries of all continents said Peiping should not be seated. The headline said: "17,000,000 overseas Chinese ask: Why should anyone help Mao Tse-tung?" "The essential fact," said the ad, "is that the Chinese Communist regime has been in the throes of an un­precedented crisis. From our relatives and friends on the mainland and in adjacent lands, we know as a fact that Mao Tse-tung and his disintegrating regime arc steadily losing control of the people."

The record of October-November events on the mainland brought further corroboration of this. The 12th plenary session of the 8th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party met in Peiping from October 13 to 31 and ousted "president" Liu Shao-chi from "all posts both inside and outside the party". But nothing happened beyond some compulsory demon­strating. A few days later Maoist mouthpieces were complaining of opposition to the ouster and demanding a class struggle to get rid of Liu once and for all. The ouster move of the Central Committee was the first time Liu has been singled out by name. Formalization of the order would require action by the 'Ninth Peo­ple's Congress' - but the Central Committee said only that the Congress would be summoned at an appro­priate time.

Although the mainland was quiet compared with the early period of the "cultural revolution", struggle continued in many provinces. The Maoists complained that the authority of the "revolutionary committees" was being widely challenged. If Mao were sure of him­self, both party and people's congresses would be sum­moned to complete the processes and purges of the "cultural revolution".

Also passing strange was Peiping's attitude toward war and peace in Vietnam. The Chinese Communist position had been consistent in the past. Hanoi had been constantly counseled to fight on until total victory. Yet People's Daily published the text of Presi­dent Johnson's bombing halt announcement, the first time such a thing has ever happened. The same issue carried the response of the Hanoi government, but neither document was mentioned by the "New China News Agency". NCNA contented itself with carrying Ho Chi Minh's belligerent statement calling on the North Vietnamese to throw the Americans into the sea and the statement of the Viet Congo Neither of these was published in People's Daily. For the moment, the Maoists were more bellicose externally than internally. Peiping even passed up the opportunity to make propaganda capital out of South Vietnam President Nguyen Van Thieu' refusal to send peace negotiators to Paris.

Attempts to give meaning to such mainland phenomena have been futile. The reason could be nothing more complicated than a Maoist deterioration that has left no one in charge of the store. Peiping's right hand seems not to know what the left hand is do­ing.

Following is a record of mainland and peripheral events from October 20 through November 19:

October 20

Mao Tse-tung abolition of elections was spelled out in greater detail. The Red Flag editorial setting forth Mao's directives called for "open party rectification", meaning the dismissal of Mao's opponents with­out formal action of any kind, and the selection rather than election of new members and leaders. These were key paragraphs of the Red Flag article:

"The great proletarian cultural revolution is an open party rectification movement carried out by rev­olutionary methods and on an unprecedented scale.

"Only by carrying out this proletarian revolution­ary line of Chairman Mao's and starting a mass move­ment, not a movement behind closed doors, for party rectification, can we guarantee the leadership of those Communists who are loyal to Chairman Mao, to Mao Tse-tung's thought and to Chairman Mao's proletarian revolutionary line.

"Chairman Mao teaches us to look at the proletarian revolutionary party as an organization develop­ing through the process of metabolism of the revolu­tion and not as a static and immutable organization.

"Eliminating waste means resolutely expelling from the party the proven renegades, enemy agents, all counterrevolutionaries, obdurate capitalist roaders, alien class elements and degenerated elements. As for apathetic persons whose revolutionary will has worn out, they should be advised to resign from the party.

"Those comrades who are good in the living study and application of Mao Tse-tung's thought should be selected to leading posts in the party organization and unified leadership should be formed" (possibly a refer­ence to plans to replace the Central Committee).

"Blind faith in elections is conservative thinking."

October 21

Mainland food production is down this year, the U.S. Department of Agriculture reported, and a higher level of grain imports may be required in 1969. Crops were hurt by drought in the north, flood in the south, ineffective leadership, poor labor discipline, shortage of farm tools and an inadequate supply of fertilizers. Pei­ping imported more than 6 million tons of grain in 1964 but only 3.7 million tons this year. The best weather in 20 years raised the mainland grain yield above 190 million tons last year, the department said.

October 22

Mainland propaganda continued to hammer at the "Workers are the leading class" theme and to denigrate or ignore the Red Guards. The Mao line hailed the arrival of the "cultural revolution" as a "great turning point" that seemed to mean a final Maoist effort to suppress all opposition and impose a tyranny unknown in modern times.

October 24

Radio Moscow said underground factories in Shanghai are producing commodities of daily use that state-operated plants arc unable to make. Many of the state factories were said to have closed down because transportation paralysis had cut off the supply of raw materials.

Five thousand workers entered primary schools and kindergartens of Shanghai to start the "re-educa­tion" of pupils. Workers were telling students to de­nounce their parents for wrongdoing.

October 25

Diplomats of the Soviet Union and five other Communist countries walked out of a Belgrade recep­tion when the Peiping "assistant foreign minister" said "the Soviet occupation of Czechoslovakia and the American occupation of South Vietnam are identical".

Hongkong arrivals from the mainland said scores of factory workers had beaten up four Maoist propagandists and tried to burn them alive.

Three more mutilated bodies washed down mainland rivers were found in Macao's outer harbor. The total of such bodies reaching Macao and Hongkong waters is well over 100.

Three young men swam to freedom in Hongkong from Tungkun county in Kwangtung.

October 26

Intelligence sources in Taiwan said most of the county-level "revolutionary committees" in Kwangtung had been paralyzed by struggle between the military and representatives of the "revolutionary masses".

Mainland broadcasts complained that it is becom­ing harder to dig out "class enemies". Radio Honan said anti-Maoists had penetrated deep underground. From Yunnan came reports that anti-Maoist troops and civilians had destroyed three bridges along the Burma border.

Factional struggle continued in Canton and was threatening the tight army control of that city. Guer­rilla bands were said to be striking at army units in Kwangtung coastal areas.

October 27

Communist broadcasts claimed that millions of Communist Party cadres and civil servants had been sent to the countryside to undergo reform through labor. Members of "revolutionary committees" were included. The movement was in progress in Shanghai, Kweichow, Kwangsi, Kwangtung, Kiangsu, Kiangsi, Anhwei, Shantung, Hupeh, Tsinghai, Szechwan, Kirin, Heilungkiang, Yunnan, Chekiang and Inner Mongolia.

Radio Chungking told of open revolt against Mao­ist leadership. The anti-Maoists were said to have set up "commands" and "general headquarters".

Disgraced Red Guards were reported leading anti-Mao movements in Kwangsi. Former members of the "People's Liberation Army" were providing lead­ership for attacks on Maoists in Kweiling, Liuchow and Nanning.

October 28

An American freighter approaching Hongkong was chased by Red Chinese gunboats for an hour after the skipper ignored an order to stop for inspection.

The third explosion since opening of the Canton trade fair was set off by anti-Maoists at a railway station near the city. Eight were injured.

October 29

London sources said key Chinese Communist atomic and rocket scientists were under attack by the Maoists. They included Nieh Jung-chen, the master­mind of Peiping's efforts to become a nuclear power. These attacks were reported connected with the slow­down in the program of building and testing nuclear weapons. A Hongkong newspaper said that "an ac­cident to an intermediate-range test missile on a launch­ing pad" had delayed the Peiping ICBM program. The blast was reportedly blamed on Nieh and such other atomic scientists as Wang Chang-kan, Chien Hsueh-sen, Chien San-chiang and Hua Lo-kam.

Red Chinese boats attacked a Hongkong fishing vessel with explosives used in commercial fishing. Two of the devices exploded on deck.

Chinese Communist troops shot and wounded a young man trying to reach Hongkong by swimming. He was hauled out of the Shum Chun River and taken back to the mainland.

October 31

A Canton publication received in Hongkong said more than 50,000 had been killed in Kwangsi this year "and the massacre is still going on".

Travelers reaching Hongkong from the mainland told of increased pressures against returning overseas Chinese and their relatives in Kwangtung. Many were placed under house arrest and some disappeared. Al­most all those who ever lived overseas were subjected to intensive questioning.

Twenty-one refugees from the mainland were res­cued from a nearly capsized boat and taken to Hong­kong.

November 1

Liu Shao-chi was denounced by name for the first time as the 12th plenary session of the 8th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, meeting in Peiping from October 13 to 31, voted to "dismiss him from all his posts both inside and outside the party and to continue to settle accounts with him and his accom­plices for their crimes in betraying the party and the country".

The Central Committee, with Mao Tse-tung presiding, said: "Liu Shao-chi, the number one party person in authority taking the capitalist road, is a renegade, traitor and scab hiding in the party and is a lackey of imperialism, modern revisionism and the Kuomintang reactionaries who has committed innumer­able crimes."

No reference was made to Teng Hsiao-ping, the general secretary of tile party, who has been lumped with "president" Liu as one of the top persons taking the capitalist road. The Central Committee, however, has no authority to oust Liu. Formal ouster as "presi­dent" would require action by the "People's Congress".

November 2

Sources in Taipei predicted the Maoists would call the "Ninth People's Congress" next spring to com­plete the dismissal of Liu Shao-chi.

November 3

Peiping sent 20 million people of large cities into the streets in mass demonstrations to mark the dis­missal of Liu Shao-chi. However, there was no slightest sign that the Central Committee action had ended op­position to Mao.

November 5

Liu Shao-chi's ouster was announced to frustrate his efforts to call upon the Soviet Union for assistance, Taipei sources said. Widespread purges can be expect­ed in the wake of the Central Committee action, the sources added, with Teng Hsiao-ping as the priority target.

November 9

Commenting on the U.S. ejection, Peiping said the outcome was a "farce" and that nothing could "save U.S. imperialism from utter defeat". U.S. monopoly capitalist groups put a Republican president in office, the Chinese Communists said, but "the Democratic and Republican Parties are jackals of the same lair".

November 12

Another delegation of Chinese Communists "en­gineers" reached Tanzania to survey the route for a rail link between that country and Zambia. This raised to more than 600 the number of surveyors - and also started eyebrows raising even in pro-Communist Tanzania. Peiping has agreed to build the line at a cost of more than US$200 million.

November 13

Kiangsi "young intellectuals" sent to the country­side total 320,000, according to Chinese Communist broadcasts. People's Daily said both young and old cadres were complaining about having to leave city life.

Canton broadcasts charged that anti-Maoists were trying to sabotage the fall harvest in Kwangtung.

Reports from Canton told of a bitter behind-the-scenes struggle between "premier" Chou En-lai and "defense minister" Lin Piao. Chou was said to have gone to Canton in late October to line up support against Lin, who is Mao's heir-apparent.

November 14

Shanghai's Wen Hui Pao complained of opposition to the ouster of Liu Shao-chi. "There are people who oppose it and refuse to implement it," said the Maoist mouthpiece. "In some units, certain ill-intentioned peo­ple hide behind the screens, extend their black hands and fabricate various excuses to attack newly born rev­olutionary committees, attempting to crush them." The paper said the overthrow of Liu is a "serious class struggle" that must be continuously waged until victory.

November 15

Red Guards in Canton were forcing people to at­tend an anti-American exhibition of alleged atrocity photos and of U.S. arms captured in Vietnam.

Residents of villages on the Hongkong border re­ported a series of explosions on the mainland side, presumably the work of anti-Mao saboteurs.

November 16

British authorities in Hongkong released Hsieh Ping of the "New China News Agency", who was sen­tenced to two years in prison. His sentence was reduced by a third, the maximum allowed by law for good be­havior, apparently in the hope of winning the freedom of Reuters correspondent Anthony Grey, who has been under Peiping house arrest since 11 days after Hsieh's arrest.

November 17

European and Japanese businessmen found little to buy at the Canton trade fair, according to U.S. sources. Peiping's foreign trade is expected to decline 10 per cent in 1968 for the second year in a row. Volume is estimated at US$3.5 billion.

November 18

A Chinese Communist gunboat opened fire on a Hongkong fishing vessel in the Pearl River estuary. One crewman was wounded.

Shanghai's Wen Hui Pao complained that anti­-Maoists were trying to launch a "crazy counterattack" in the wake of Liu Shao-chi's ouster.

Military supplies on the way to North Vietnam were intercepted by anti-Maoists in Yunnan. Hong­kong reports said arms were looted, trucks burned and several Communist cadres killed.

Two Chinese Communist gunboats stopped and searched a Russian freighter near Hongkong.

November 19

Hongkong reports said the Chinese Communists were secretly giving financial support to more than 100 small private schools for purposes of indoctrination. Hongkong has more than 1,000 private schools at the primary and secondary levels with enrollment of in excess of half a million.